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VOL. XXII No. 3 





Americanus sum: Americani nihil a me alienum puto 

MARCH, 1916 


20 Liberty St., Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 


28 West Elizabeth St., Tarrytown, N. Y. 

Published Monthly $5.00 a Year 50 Cents a Number 


Bookplate of Earl Ferrers, England 

Showing the Arms of the Washington Family in the EarVs Coat of Arms 

By Permission of the Boston Transcript 

THROUGH the kindness of the Boston Transcript, we are able 
to show our readers something unique in Washington-ana: the 
Washington arms, the familiar Stars and Stripes, shown as part 
of the Ferrers arms. A correspondent of the Transcript writes: 

London, March 22. 
There is here one very beautiful three-quarter length painting of George Washington which 
very few Americans have ever seen, or for that matter comparatively few Englishmen, for it 
has never been reproduced and has remained since the time of the Revolution in the quiet 
seclusion of Staunton Harold, the picturesque and homelike Leicestershire country seat of the 
Shirley family, of which Earl Ferrers is the titular chief and of which Governor Shirley of Mass- 
achusetts was a prominent member. 

Staunton Harold is a most delightful mansion of fair size, with lovely park and grounds 
and about two hundred years old, but the Shirleys have been settled in that part of England 
for over five hundred years. 

The Shirley family, or that part of it which holds the earldom of Ferrers, are certainly 
the right people to possess a unique picture of the first President of the United States, as they 
have a common Washington ancestor. The first earl married Elizabeth Washington of the 
Wiltshire Washingtons (1671-1693) and as a result the arms of the Washington family are 
quartered with those of the earls of Ferrers and most curiously in conjunction with the royal 
Plantagenet arms of France and England (the lions and lilies) which also form part of the 
Ferrers' quarterings. The Shirley family are directly descended from the Plantagenets and 
thus part of the arms of France and England, as well as part of the arms of the United States, 
appear in the Ferrers' shield as shown in the accompanying reproduction. The present Lord 
Ferrers, eleventh earl, remarks of this: "The bookplate of Washington Sewallis, ninth earl 
(1842-1859) shows the Washington arms in the last quarter immediately after the royal arms 
of England. On the first earl's plate (1671 and 1693) his wife's arms as heiress are shown in 
the middle on an escutcheon of pretence." He also declines to allow photographs of his Wash- 
ington picture to be taken, as being likely to make it common and detract from its value. It 
is declared to be a most characteristic likeness as compared with other well-known pictures, 
and is in the civil costume of the day, three-quarters length and pleasing in every particular, 
but it has no mark to declare who painted it. The best experts in London today declare it to 
be by Benjamin West, who painted many contemporary portraits in both America and Eng- 
land. It has been at Staunton Harold for nearly a hundred and forty years. 


VOL. XXII MARCH, 1916 No. 3 




George S. Rowell, A.M. 43 


Col. John Y. Culyer 58 

THE SENECA LAW Miss Grace Ellis Taft 61 

THE PARK THEATRE, NEW YORK . Charles Nevers Holmes 72 

NEW YORK COUNTY NAMES {First Paper) j t^e editor ' A ' M " 1 76 


WASHINGTON AS A CHRISTIAN . . (Rev.) Malcolm Taylor 88 

A DAY WITH LINCOLN IN 1859 . . . Rev. Charles Caverno 94 



Monuments to Indians .... William E. Curtis 108 

The Indian Chief to the White Settler . . Edward Everett 113 

The Danish West Indies and the United States . Truman Cross 115 

Lincoln MSS. to Library of Congress 117 

Parson Willard's Resignation, 1781 118 

Entered as second-class matter March 1, 1905, at the Post Office at Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 
Act of Congress, March 3, 1870. 



" ■ ' ...... ■ i _ _ i .... . . — ■ i ■ , — 

Vol. XXII MARCH, 1916 No. 3 


A MONG the many historic houses which make the Kennebec River 
/\ renowned in our early history, not one is more beautifully 
X JL situated than the Vaughan Mansion, at Hallowell. Crown- 
ing a high hill which overlooks the river at the "Hook," surrounded with 
acres of beautiful lawns, on one side the Vaughan Brook, on the other 
the city, it is indeed "beautiful of situation." The house has been kept 
in perfect repair and today stands as substantial as when built over one 
hundred years ago. The Vaughan family have always taken great 
interest in preserving it in its original condition and have made it their 
summer home. The interior is filled with historic pictures and furni- 
ture that would delight any one who loves the things of our colonial 
and Revolutionary periods. I remember how as a boy I used to look 
with wonder at its beautiful exterior and feel a rising pride in having 
such a mansion in our town. It calls up many pleasant remembrances 
of its first occupants, Dr. Benjamin Vaughan and his brother Charles, 
both familiar figures in the early life of our State. I have heard many 
of the older citizens of Hallowell extol the many virtues of the good 
doctor, whose benevolence was bountiful. I remember the glowing 
accounts of that celebrated library, which was probably the largest 
private library in this country at that time. 

Though distinguished as a scholar and a man of public worth, both 
in this country and in Europe, Dr. Vaughan was yet one of the most 
modest of men. His valuable services to this country in the negotiation 
of the treaty of peace with Great Britain have never been properly 
recognized, and very few have known of his distinguished career. His 
influence was powerful for good in Hallowell, and even today proves that 
"the good men do lives after them." In life every man, woman and 
child looked up to him. He was the magnate of the place. In religion, 
education, love of reading and benevolence, he gave a healthy tone to 
society, and his memory will long be cherished by the city he helped to 


Benjamin Vaughan was born in Jamaica, on April 30, 175 1 . He 
was the oldest son of Samuel Vaughan, a London merchant engaged 
in commerce with American Colonies, who came occasionally to Boston, 
where he married Sarah, eldest daughter of Benjamin Hallowell, a 
merchant of that place in extensive business and holding the office of 
navy agent under the British Government. Visitors to Mount Ver- 
non will remember the beautiful fireplace in the banqueting-room of 
that mansion — that it was presented to Washington by Samuel Vaug- 

Dr. Vaughan had four brothers, John, a friend of Washington and 
Humboldt; Charles, an enlightened and public-spirited merchant, who 
at the age of thirty-one settled in Hallowell, in this state, and carried 
on an extensive farm, introducing improved stock from the noted 
herds of England, and beautifying his grounds with rare fruits and shrub- 
bery; William, who was a merchant in London, with whom Benjamin's 
third son Pelly became a partner and lived till 1854; Samuel, the fourth 
brother, settled in Jamaica. 

Benjamin Vaughan was educated in England and studied at Cam- 
bridge without being matriculated, as at that time the signing of the 
Thirty-nine Articles was a prerequisite to graduation at either of the 
English universities. Mr. Vaughan was a Unitarian, and therefore 
could not conscientiously comply with this regulation, and was not ad- 
mitted to any of the collegiate honors, but in other respects had the ad- 
vantages of other students. He early imbibed Whig principles and in- 
herited from both his parents a strong love for America. This love 
never wavered through all his long and useful life. That he contrib- 
uted much to her independence, and afterward by his wise advice and 
great talents to the establishment of our government, will be most 
apparent to any student of his career. 

Soon after leaving Cambridge, he became private secretary to 
Lord Shelburne, who was ever after his firm friend and patron. The 
Vaughans were related to Home Tooke, and he may have been named 
Benjamin after Tooke's eldest brother, a great horticulturist at Brent- 
ford. This is hardly probable, however, as his own grandfathers were 
Benjamin Vaughan and Benjamin Hallowell. Lord Shelburne was also 
fond of horticulture, and presented Benjamin Home with some fine 
strawberry plants from Saratoga, the first known in England, and he 
frequently visited him. This may account for Benjamin Vaughan 


being private secretary to Shelburne. Both sided with the American 

Politics did not wholly absorb him. He fell in love with Miss 
Sarah Manning, the daughter of a wealthy London merchant, whose son 
became governor of the Bank of England, and his grandson was one of 
the ablest writers of the Oxford Tracts, and subsequently seceded to the 
Church of Rome — the celebrated Cardinal Manning. Miss Manning's 
father withheld his consent to the marriage on the ground that Vaug- 
han had no profession. To attain the object of his affection Mr. Vaug- 
han went to Edinburgh and took a regular course of medicine for two 
years, and having obtained his degree of M.D., returned to England 
and in 1781 was married to the lady of his choice. He then became a 
partner with his father-in-law in the house of Manning & Son, merchants 
in Billiter Square. He had charge of the extensive correspondence of 
the house. 

In 1782 Lord Shelburne consented to take office under the Marquis 
of Rockingham on condition that the King would agree to recognize 
the United States, and on the death of Rockingham became Premier. 
The British nation, after the surrender of Lord Cornwallis at York- 
town, were anxious for peace, but British pride revolted at the acknowl- 
edgment of American independence, which of course was the first requi- 
site for such peace. How to make it as easy as possible to commence 
any negotiations to that end was the problem that the Shelburne minis- 
try had to solve. 

Dr. Vaughan, through his scientific pursuits, had early become ac- 
quainted with Benjamin Franklin; he was also connected by marriage 
with Henry Laurens, whose son married Miss Manning. These ac- 
quaintances, together with his warm friendship with Lord Shelburne, 
brought him into active participation in the conduct of the negotiations 
for peace between England and the United States in 1782. He never, 
however, assumed any official part in these negotiations. There is 
some evidence that communications from Paris concerning the possi- 
bility of peace passed from Franklin to Shelburne, through Laurens and 
Vaughan, as early as March, 1782, before Lord North's resignation, 
and Laurens was persuaded by Vaughan to go to Holland with his 
brother William Vaughan to ascertain from John Adams what terms 
were necessary for peace. Lord Shelburne consulted with Vaughan 
as to the best person to send to Paris to open negotiations with Frank- 


lin, and Vaughan suggested Richard Oswald, who was at once sent to 
Paris. He was afterward commissioned as negotiator for England. 
His first commission allowed him to treat with any commissioners nam- 
ed by the Colonies, and not recognizing their union as the United States. 

Mr. Vaughan occupied the office of confidential messenger between 
the minister in London and the ambassador in Paris, conveying pro- 
posals, explanations and suggestions which it was not thought expedient 
to commit to writing. He made several journeys between London and 
Paris during the negotiations. Oswald was ignorant that Vaughan 
was in Paris at Shelburne's request, and becoming jealous, he wrote 
Shelburne accusing Vaughan of meddling. Shelburne could not ex- 
plain Vaughan's true position, and so Oswald never knew that he was 
actively engaged in removing obstacles to the peace on both sides, at 
the expressed desire of both parties in the negotiations. 

The commissioners appointed by the United States were: John 
Adams of Massachusetts, John Jay of New York, Benjamin Franklin 
of Pennsylvania, and Henry Laurens of South Carolina. Vaughan was 
already acquainted with Franklin and Laurens, and afterward became 
so with Jay and Adams, during his stay in Paris. On Jay's arrival at 
Paris the negotiations had not made any material progress, and he 
found a strong suspicion among the other commissioners, with the ex- 
ception of Franklin, that France was not acting squarely in the matter 
but was delaying the negotiations in hopes of making a trade with 
England for her own aggrandizement at the expense of the United 
States. M. Reyneval, the private secretary to Vergennes, minister 
of Louis XVI., who had been delegated to confer with Jay as to the 
terms of peace, revealed the fact that France favored giving Spain 
both sides of the Mississippi River up to 31 ; the territory from thence 
east of the Mississippi and up to the Ohio to be an Indian country, 
half under an American protectorate, and all north and west of the 
Ohio to be retained by Great Britain, thus confining the colonies to the 
strip between the Atlantic and the Alleghanies. 

Soon after this revelation a letter purporting to have been written 
by Marbois, the French consul at Philadelphia, to Vergennes, was hand- 
ed to Jay by one of the British loyalists, and relied on by him as show- 
ing France's duplicity, as it expressed surprise at and disapproval of the 
claims of the Colonies as to territory and the fisheries, and a hope that 
France would not support them. Another cause of alarm and distrust 


was the sudden departure for London of Reyneval under an assumed 
name, to influence, as Jay supposed, the British cabinet on these points. 

All the commissioners of America but Franklin doubted the good 
faith of Vergennes, whom they supposed to be under Spanish influences. 
Dr. Franklin never doubted him. Vergennes, in spite of the predictions 
of Adams and Jay that he would work against the cession of the fisheries 
to the United States, in the numerous letters to the Department of 
State never expressed the slightest disapproval of the cession. Not- 
withstanding that Marbois denied the authenticity of the letter, and 
Vergennes protested that it did not correctly represent the views of the 
King, yet the majority of the commissioners disbelieved both these 
denials. It is probably because they thought Franklin too much inclin- 
ed to favor the French that Jay, the day after he received the Marbois 
letter, sent a secret agent to the British Secretary of State, concealing 
his mission not only from the French Government, but also from Frank- 
lin. Jay's excuse was that in conversing with Franklin he did not con- 
cur with him as to the object of Reyneval's journey. Adams also sus- 
pected that Reyneval went to England to influence the English in re- 
gard to the fisheries and the boundaries. 

By strange choice the secret agent selected by Jay was Mr. Ben- 
jamin Vaughan, who was then in the employ of the British ministry 
as their secret agent at Paris. It is due to Jay to say that he was igno- 
rant of the fact, though he would have been notified if he had consulted 
Franklin. In regard to the instructions given to Vaughan, Jay's biog- 
rapher says: "He was instructed to represent to the British ministry 
that without acknowledgment of American independence as a pre- 
liminary to a treaty, neither confidence nor peace could be reasonably 
expected; that as Britain could not conquer the United States, it was 
her interest to conciliate them; that England should not be deceived by 
the affected moderation of France, since the United States would not 
treat except on an equal footing; that it was the interest of France but 
not of England to postpone the acknowledgment of independence to a 
general peace; that a hope of dividing the fisheries with France would 
be futile, as America would not make peace without them; that the 
very attempt to deprive the United States of the navigation of the 
Mississippi, or of that river as a boundary, would irritate and inflame 
America; and that such attempts, if successful, would sow the seeds of 
future war in the very treaty of peace." 


On receiving his instructions Vaughan immediately returned to 
England and had an interview with Lord Shelburne, and being asked 
"Whether a new commission was necessary," assured him that it was. 
The new commission was made out and Vaughan, at Shelburne's de- 
sire, immediately returned to France. He set out at once, taking with 
him in his carriage the royal messenger with the new commission to Os- 
wald, which recognized in its wording the independence of the United 
States of America, and also instructions to hasten independent negotia- 
tions with the American commissioners. There is no doubt that these 
new instructions to Oswald, together with the suspicions of our com- 
missioners that France was not friendly to the American terms of peace 
as outlined by Jay, caused the American commissioners finally to sign 
a separate peace. This, too, in spite of their explicit instructions from 
their own government and in direct violation of the eighth article of the 
Treaty of Alliance of 1778, which stipulated that "neither of the two 
parties (America or France) shall conclude either truce or peace with 
Great Britain without the formal consent of the other first obtained." 
Yet, as is well known, on September 3, 1783, the American commission- 
ers all placed their signatures to a treaty without having the consent of 
the French commissioner, and indeed without his knowledge. 

One of the most singular results of this transaction is that George 
III., who regarded Franklin as up to every possible deceit, refused to 
believe that Vaughan came from Jay alone, and maintained that the 
mission was got up by Jay to mask one of Franklin's tricks. He thought 
he saw treachery in the sending back to him his own agent in the guise 
of an agent from the American legation, regarding it as a particularly 
subtle maneuver of Franklin, which it was his duty to baffle by utterly 
discrediting Benjamin Vaughan. In a letter from him to Shelburne in 
August, 1782, the King says: "I have read the two letters Lord Shel- 
burne received yesterday from Paris, and shall fairly own that by what 
I have seen from the correspondence of Mr. Vaughan, I have little 
opinion of his talents, yet it confirms my opinion that Dr. Franklin 
only plays with us and has no intention to treat, which the negotiation 
with Spain at that time too strongly shows." Again in December, 1782, 
George III., writes Lord Shelburne: "As to Mr. Vaughan, he seems 
so willing to be active, and so void of judgment, that it is fortunate that 
he has had no business, and the sooner he returns to his family the bet- 
ter; indeed, the fewer engines are employed, the better, and those of the 
discreetest kind." 


Vaughan remained in Paris during October and part of November, 
and was the medium of much formal communication between the nego- 
tiators on both sides, especially concerning the refugees. In Novem- 
ber he again returned to Paris, and this time Lord Shelburne seems to 
have been dissatisfied with his course, and it was at this time that the 
King expressed dissatisfaction at his stay. But certainly the result 
of his work seems to have justified his course, for Franklin expressly de- 
clared that had it not been for Vaughan's letters and conversations he 
would not have signed the clause in the treaty concerning the refugees, 
a subject which more than any other threatened to wreck the whole 
negotiations. Shelburne must have been satisfied of this, for he again 
requested him to remain in Paris. 

Mr. Vaughan was four times sent to Paris by Lord Shelburne, and 
spent over seven months in these visits at Paris and in his journeys. 
He, though urged by Shelburne, refused to receive any pay, or even the 
reimbursement of his expenses. His brother-in-law, Manning, docked 
him a year's profits of the business, on the -plea of his having wasted 
seven months in diplomatic services. 

There seems in the correspondence of the times to have been a dis- 
position to belittle the services of Vaughan in this mission, but I think 
that it will be conceded by all who closely study the situation that he 
accomplished his work in a most able and statesmanlike manner. Mr. 
Vaughan says of the commission, "Mr. Jay gave me two businesses, 
one a new commission for Mr. Oswald, which I obtained in an instant; 
and the other, to counteract Mr. de Reyneval, which I found utterly 
needless and did not bring on the carpet." Franklin's affection for 
Benjamin Vaughan was in no wise diminished by Vaughan's assump- 
tion, with an honesty that no one who knew him would question, of 
this peculiar kind of mediatorship. That Vaughan retained the con- 
fidence and respect of Dr. Franklin is made evident by a letter of March 
5, 1785, which he closes in these words: "Adieu, my dear friend, and 
believe me ever yours, most affectionately, B. Franklin." For thirty 
years the friend and correspondent of Franklin, Vaughan edited the 
first edition, a London edition, of his works in 1779, and assisted long 
afterwards from America in the new edition of 1806. This intimate 
relation continued unbroken during life, and it was through his influence 
in his later days that Franklin was induced to publish his Memoirs. 

There is evidence, also, that Mr. Jay retained a great love for Mr. 


Vaughan, for in a letter written from Paris in March, 1783, he says: 
"Since the receipt of yours until this moment I have been promising 
myself the pleasure of paying you a visit .... Mrs. Jay charges me 
to say civil things tc you. You are a favorite of hers, and deserve to 
be so of everybody .... Believe me to be, with the best wishes for 
the health and happiness of Mrs. Vaughan and your little daughter, 
&c, John Jay." 

As to Lord Shelburne's appreciation of Mr. Vaughan's ability and 
services, there is proof that he esteemed him highly and regarded his 
mission as most valuable in the American negotiations. With the ex- 
ception of the slight dissatisfaction already mentioned, there is nothing 
to support the assertion made that he had no confidence in Vaughan 
and little appreciation for his talent. It was through his interest and 
influence that Vaughan was returned to Parliament. 

From 1783 to 1794 Vaughan lived in London, dividing his time 
between active business and political and scientific studies. During 
this time Vaughan published in bock form a series of papers written 
by him under the signature of the "Calm Observer," which were after- 
wards translated into German and French. In 1790 he was in Paris, 
and in a letter to Shelburne, now Marquis of Lansdowne, described 
France as in a fever of enthusiasm. He went on to Nantes, where on 
November 24th he made a speech at a meeting where Nantes delegates 
described the honors which had been rendered them in London. On 
his return to London he was elected tc Parliament and remained in the 
House nearly two years. In February, 1794, Vaughan made a speech 
in Parliament, advocating precautions against negro risings in the West 
Indies, on account of the emancipation of slaves in the French colonies. 
Between July, 1792, and June, 1793, Vaughan wrote a series of unsigned 
letters in the Morning Chronicle, on the partition of Poland and the 
threatened dismemberment of France. 

He was opposed to any attempt to disturb the existing form of 
government in his own country, but as the French Revolution developed 
the popular tide in England set strongly against those men who had 
shown sympathy with its earlier stages, and more vigorous laws were 
demanded against those suspected of sympathizing with what were called 
revolutionary ideas. The English Whigs, particularly those who were 
Unitarians, hailed with enthusiasm the communal of the Revolution 
and Mr. Vaughan was one of the Englishmen who were invited to at- 


tend the opening of the first National Assembly. He accepted the in- 
vitation and was present on that occasion. Vaughan from his place 
in Parliament was well known to Pitt as one of the active opponents cf 
the administration. A conspiracy was discovered among a few of the 
most violent of the Liberals to introduce a small French force into Eng- 
land, and thus to excite a general demand for the republican form of 
government. To effect this object they entered into correspondence 
with some of the members of the French Government, who readily 
acceded to their wishes. The English ministry caused the arrest of 
the persons implicated, and several were tried and sentenced to Botany 
Bay. Upon Stone, one of the convicts, was found a letter of Dr. Vaug- 
han's, arguing against the project of calling in French troops. 

On the 8th of May, 1794, in common with Lord Lauderdale, Sheri- 
dan, Major Moillard and William Smith, he was summoned to a con- 
ference with the Cabinet at the Home Office. Vaughan remained until 
six in the evening. He was doubtless questioned respecting this letter 
from him found on William Stone, seemingly addressed to or intended 
for J. H. Stone, and dissuading the French from an invasion of England. 
It dwelt on the verdicts of juries in state trials, the readiness to enlist 
in the army, the little opposition offered to impressment in the navy, 
the approval of the war by Parliament, and the temper of the nation, 
as proofs of the expediency of France making peace on fair terms. 

Vaughan was so alarmed at the discovery of this letter that he in- 
stantly took refuge in France, and sought an asylum with Mr. Skipwith, 
the American consul-general in Paris. Hon. Robert Hallowell Gardi- 
ner, in his short and able memoir of Mr. Vaughan, published in the Col- 
lections of the Maine Historical Society, says: "His brother-in-law, 
Manning, a member of Parliament and a Tory, appealed to Mr. Pitt to 
know in what light Dr. Vaughan's conduct was viewed by the Govern- 
ment, and whether it would be safe for him to return to England. Mr. 
Pitt replied that they perfectly understood Dr. Vaughan's character, 
that they considered him an enthusiast, but in no way a dangerous per- 
son, that he might return and resume his seat in Parliament, and he 
would assure him that no notice would be taken by the Government of 
anything that Dr. Vaughan had said or done. Dr. Vaughan would 
place no confidence in this declaration of Mr. Pitt, but viewed it as a 
trap laid to get him into the power of the Ministers, and he never again 
set foot upon the soil of England." 


Mr. Skipwith received Mr. Vaughan in the most friendly manner 
and gave him the use of his country house, where he resided for more 
than a year, in a kind of incognito, though he constantly received visits 
from the savants and distinguished men of Paris. To avoid arrest as 
an Englishman he assumed the name of Jean Martin and lived in retire- 
ment at Passy, his identity being known to only five or six persons. 
Among these was Robespierre, to whom he paid secret visits. Another 
was Archibald Hamilton Rowan, who lying ill at the Palais Royal was 
not a little surprised by a call from Vaughan, his fellow student at Cam- 
bridge. Vaughan told him that Jackson, the Irish conspirator, had 
been introduced to him in London, and that though quite ignorant of 
the plot he had thought it safest to absent himself. In June the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety detected his incognito and arrested him, but 
after a month's detention in the Carmelite Monastery he was banished. 
According to Garot he was mobbed in the street as one of Pitt's spies, 
and narrowly escaped immediate trial and execution; but even if this 
really took place, the danger could not have been so imminent as Garot 
represents. Of course at this time every Englishman was an object of 
suspicion and probably Vaughan suffered some inconvenience at this 
time, as well as others. 

John G. Alger, in "Englishmen in the French Revolution," says, 
"Vaughan repaired to Geneva, and had no sooner arrived there than 
he dispatched a long letter to Robespierre, written in a tone bespeaking 
intimacy and intention of keeping up a correspondence. He advised 
Robespierre to constrict France to her former limits, and to convert 
her conquests into a fringe of free and allied states. By the irony of 
fate, this letter, written as if to an autocrat, reached Paris on the night 
of the 9th Thermidor, when Robespierre, arrested but .released, was 
making his last throw for life and power at the Hotel de Ville. It was 
opened by the Committee of Public Safety, perhaps at the very moment 
when the fallen tribune was writhing in agony, and Billaud Varennes 
made it the basis of an audacious, or rather mendacious, statement at 
the Jacobin Club the day after Robespierre's execution. He insinuated 
that Vaughan was an emissary of Pitt's and had written a letter advo- 
cating a triumvirate, Couthon to reign in the south, Saint Just in the 
north, and Robespierre in the center. Vaughan, he said, was brought 
to Paris after the service of this letter, and Robespierre wished him 
executed at once, but a hearing was claimed for him, when he told a ram- 
bling story, ended by asking for a passport to Switzerland or America, 


and on reaching Switzerland wrote to Robespierre, advising him to 
'menager" the privileged classes and not put sans-culottes on a level 
with aristocrats." 

In 1796 Vaughan published at Strasbourg an unqualified panegyric 
of the Directory, a system of government to be envied, according to 
Vaughan, even by America, much more by England, Switzerland and 
Holland. He confidently predicted its durability and an era of peace 
and prosperity. Alger says that he was also smitten with the craze of the 
Revolution being a fulfillment of the Book of Daniel, and wrote a 
treatise on the subject, but had the good sense to suppress it. "A 
Unitarian," he says, "should have escaped the prophecy-interpreta- 
tion mania, but the Revolution upheaval turned merchants into fanatics 
and rationalists into mystics." Of all the English exiles in Paris he 
seems to have had the most peaceful old age. Not recalling his French 
experiences with pleasure, he was not accustomed to speak of them. 

Being unable to return to England, he decided to become a citizen 
of the new American Republic. The then existing war between France 
and England prevented his family from joining him in Paris. He there- 
fore directed that they proceed to the United States, under the charge 
of Mr. John Merrick, a tutor in the family, who afterward married Mr. 
Vaughan's sister. His brother Charles had migrated to America, and 
received them on their arrival, and they resided in Brighton, Mass., un- 
til Dr. Vaughan joined them some eighteen months after, in the year 
1796. He then took them to Hallowell, Maine, where he made his 
permanent residence, settling on lands descending to him from his 
mother, Sarah Hallowell, the town being named from his maternal 
grandfather, Benjamin Hallowell. 

The original grant extended along the Kennebec River one mile, 
and westward to Cobbossecontee Lake a distance of five miles. An 
elegant house was built on the estate, commanding an extensive view 
of the river and surrounding country above and below the village. 
The "White House" on the hill was the abode of hospitality and was 
furnished in costly style, but simply. His library, containing over 
10,000 books, is said to have been exceeded in number of volumes only 
by that of Harvard College. These books were freely loaned to all 
who were disposed to read them. It was particularly rich in medieval 
works and the doctor was continually adding to it the lastest foreign 
publications. It embraced many choice and rare works. At his death 


he gave the medical portion to the Insane Hospital at Augusta. He 
also made large donations from it to Harvard University and Bowdoin 
College, as well as to the Hallowell Public Library. 

Dr. Vaughan early turned his attention to agriculture, and to him 
the county of Kennebec is indebted for most of her early progress in 
agriculture and the cultivation of fruits. He planted a large nursery 
of fruit trees, from which they were scattered over the adjacent country. 
Besides selling a large number, he gave many away to those who were 
not able to purchase them. He was the friend of the poor and always 
liberal to them, both in his valuable services and in his money contri- 
butions to their relief. 

His brother Charles also settled on the same estate and to him was 
assigned the care of the farming interests. The Vaughans built the 
largest and most complete cider mill and press in New England, em- 
ploying skilled mechanics from England to set up the machinery. 

The doctor spent most of his time in study and investigation. He 
was a member of the Massachusetts Society For Promoting Agriculture, 
and wrote extensively and learnedly upon all agricultural subjects, 
many of his treatises being published in the transactions of the Society, 
usually with his signature, "A Kennebec Farmer." He spent his time 
in improving his estate, advocating conservative political views, work- 
ing in his library, writing literary and political articles and carrying on 
an extensive correspondence. It was in Hallowell that he for the first 
time practiced his profession, visiting only the poor and usually supply- 
ing medicine as well as advice without charge. 

He published in 1806, under the title of "Klyogg: or, the Rural 
Socrates," the results of his researches in Switzerland concerning the 
life of James Gonyer, the agricultural philosopher. He also published 
anonymously several political papers. At the request of President 
John Adams he prepared two historical articles, one concerning the 
northeast boundary and the other giving the writer's surmises of the 
manner in which Turgot's Memoirs came into the possession of Lord 
Shelburne several years before their publication. He was a great 
reader and his knowledge was always at his command. He could con- 
verse intelligently on most any subject, and it is said, "From his exten- 
sive knowledge and ready power of producing it, he has been called a 
walking encyclopedia." Mr. Gardiner says, "He was a learned man 


rather than an original or profound thinker." His many literary pro- 
ductions have remained generally unknown from the fact that what he 
wrote was either published anonymously or over a fictitious signature, 
or was not written for publication. 

He carried on an extensive correspondence with many of the noted 
men of England, France and America, among them Lord Shelburne, 
Sheridan, Gray, Talleyrand, Robespierre, Franklin, Jay, Jefferson, 
Adams, and a wide circle of celebrities of that day. In the Congression- 
al Library at Washington, among the letters in the Jefferson collection 
purchased by the Government there are more than thirty letters from 
Dr. Benjamin Vaughan to Jefferson, written from Paris, London and 
Hallowell. In a recent visit to the document room of that Library I 
had the pleasure of seeing many of these letters. Most of them were en 
agricultural subjects. One, however, which I copied, was more of a 
personal character and indicated a close friendship with President 
Jefferson. It was marked "Private." 

Hallowell, March 15, 1801. 
Dear Sir: 

You will have received a sufficiency of personal congratulations to yourself & felicitations 
on the part of your country, for your election to the honorable post you now fill, to make every- 
thing from me on that head superfluous. I know that your mind is of a nature to give the 
true interpretation to my feelings; even though being what might occasion you the needless 
trouble of a reply, when your moments are too precious to be lost. 

I proceed, therefore, to the only point which can be essential, if even that should be thought 
so, namely to tender to you my affectionate & unbought services. I live in a sequestered but 
important part of the Union, and independent of any speculative opinions, may occasionally 
be able to report to you facts. Should the offer prove acceptable, the only return which I shall 
ask is that my correspondence may rest unknown to all but yourself and me; and my brother 
John, who will be the easy channel through which it may be conducted. If your letters pass 
to him under blank covers, he will forward them to me, without trouble. Even though yours 
should be without direction to me, he will know what to do with them. 

I trust that your administration will have few difficulties in these parts, provided it steers 
clear of religion. You are too wise & just to think of any official attacks upon religion; too 
sincere to make any overtures in favor of it. You know where you are thought to be in 
this respect; & there it may be best to stand. If a ruler, however, at times acts with a view 
to accommodate himself to the feelings, in which many of the citizens for whom he takes 
thought, participates; this can neither be considered as a violation of truth or of dignity; and 
is not likely to prove unexceptable, if done avowedly with this view. For example, it is not in 
& is perhaps without the constitution, to recommend fasts and thanksgiving from the federal 
chair at the seasons respectively when the New Englander looks for those things, and there- 
fore you will not think it perhaps needful for you to meddle with such matters. But if you did, 
this example will serve my purpose. You may then, I presume, safely and acceptably inter- 
fere with a view to name a time, when a large proportion of your constituents may be enabled 


to do the thing in question consertingly & cotemporaneously. You certainly may make your 
self in this an organ of the general convenience without departing from any of your own prin- 
ciples, especially as you will take due care to use decorous language, should the occasion be 
used. I do not, however, see any necessity for a federal fast or federal thanksgiving, when 
these things are open to the states approving them, to order for themselves. I treat the case, 
therefore, merely for illustration. The religion of the New Englander will require to be touched 
with tenderness. Your opinions are known, in defence of those opinions you have your office, 
consequently you must continue to hold them as a privileged person. But it will be wise, as 
to these parts of the Union, to keep these opinions in the only situation in which they have 
hitherto been seen; a private one; and for the regulation of your own private conduct. 

I may venture to state one thing more, without entering into any general field (for which 
I am not yet provided with the favor of your consent) ; namely, that in your public discourses, 
you should not be too diffident in your explanations of yourself . . Christian humility may be 
becoming; but French humility, or the humility of phrases, may be spared you. Your choice 
and your submission to that choice as made by your confidents have rendered superfluous any 
reference to such species of feelings. 

The public considers too highly of your merits, to accede to your renunciation of them. 
You are in a situation to oblige the public, and you are I hope well qualified with means & 
ability for the purpose; and though the absence of confidence may be wise in itself & satisfy- 
ing to the observer, yet a very little more than this will suffice. You are not in danger, in your 
proclamations of writing "my people" & "my subjects" in large letters, as a certain King does 
beyond the Atlantic, and for the rest, nothing, or at least, little more is necessary, than a warm 
affection for the happiness & a firm attention to the rights of the nation over which you pre- 

I shall keep no copies of my letters & it will be lost time, to both of us, to write them over 
again on account of corrections. 

I am, dear sir, with high esteem & respect, 

Yours affectionately, 

This letter is addressed to Thomas Jefferson, President of the 
United States, Washington, and is without signature, but indorsed, 
Vaughan, Benjamin, Hallowell, Mch. 15. Many of his letters are 
without signature. This habit of Dr. Vaughan, to have everything that 
he wrote either unsigned or under a fictitious name, has made the at- 
tempt to learn anything of his life extremely difficult. Mr. Gardiner 
says: "That Dr. Vaughan came to this country expecting to find the 
ideal republic, with its patriarchal simplicity, which he had imagined 
in Europe. Wishing to conform to this fancied simplicity he directed 
his plate to be sold, and he had his family dressed in the plainest manner. 
A few years' residence here and observations of the practical workings 
of our institutions, disabused him of these visionary theories of the 
purity and unsophisticated simplicity of a democratic republic, and he 
became a strong conservative and warm Federalist. Having professed- 
ly retired from party strife, he abstained from exercising the elective 


franchise which he had acquired; but no one felt a stronger interest in 
the great events which agitated the political world during his residence 
in this country." 

Talleyrand on his visit to the United States was for a time che guest 
of Dr. Vaughan at Hallowell, as were also many other noted men of 
Europe and America. 

Dr. Vaughan was the highest type of a Christian gentleman; be- 
nevolent and kind, he was greatly beloved and respected by all classes 
of citizens for his great usefulness, his exalted worth and his many vir- 
tues. His sound influence contributed much to the early distinction of 
the town of Hallowell in intelligence and enterprise. In his declining 
years his amiable philosophy won him much regard. The degree of 
LL.D. was conferred on him by Harvard in 1801, and by Bowdoin 
in 1 81 2. He was one of the incorporators of the Maine Historical 
Society and for the remainder of his life a useful member. He was also 
a member of numerous literary and scientific societies both in Europe 
and in this country. 

He died in Hallowell December 8th, 1835, after a short illness, in the 
eighty-fifth year of his age, in full possession of his faculties and honored 
and respected by all who had ever known him. "The happiest man I 
ever saw," said one who knew him well. 

George S. Rowell 


IN writing of the historic event on that fateful Good Friday night 
of April 14, 1865, it is not strange that stories should differ in de- 
tails in recounting the incidents of that tragic day. In various 
newspapers individuals are described, from time to time, as having wit- 
nessed the murder of the President; while as a matter of fact no one, 
in my opinion, save the assassin himself, witnessed the shooting; not 
even Mrs. Lincoln, Miss Harris or Major Rathbone, who were the other 
occupants of the box — and certainly from no other point from the 
stage or elsewhere, could the shooting have been seen, at that in- 
stant, and immediately following, there zvas not a single individual on 
the stage. A change of scene was to follow, and the actors who the 
moment before had occupied the stage, had gone to their dressing- 
rooms (as was afterwards stated). Booth knew the situation well, and 
it was under these well-timed conditions that he quietly entered the 
President's box, by way of the small passage leading from the gallery 
on the left hand side of the theatre. It took him but a second or so to 
traverse the intervening distance from the entrance of the box to where 
the President sat, place the pistol at his head, and fire. He immediately 
passed by and climbed over the balcony railing. In turning to gauge 
the distance for his jump (about twelve feet) one of his spurs became 
entangled in the folds of the national flag with which the boxes were 
draped, and in dropping to the stage he was thrown off his balance 
and in the fall broke the small bone in one leg: an untimely accident 
which fatally interferred with his plan of escape. This was indeed, as 
I have sometimes described it, the vengeance of the flag. 

At this time I was connected with the U. S. Engineering De- 
partment, under General J. G. Barnard, chief engineer of the defences 
of Washington. Our camp was at Fort Albany, just beyond Arling- 
ton, where, in a Washington newspaper we had seen the notice that 
the play of "Our American Cousin," familiar to New Yorkers, as several 
of us were, was to be given by Laura Keene's Company at Ford's 

— Only to-day, February 6, I have observed some garbled account of the matter, in a New 
York paper. It is grossly defective and inaccurate. For instance, it is ridiculous to claim 
that the murder could have been seen from the stage. As a matter of fact, no one was on the 
stage at the time: I remember this, beyond perad venture; and there has never been any sub- 
stantial contradiction of my general account. 

J. Y. C. 


Theatre the following Friday night, and that the President, members 
of the Cabinet, and General Grant, were to be present. Later, I went 
to the city, and fortunately secured three tickets, for my companions 
(now dead). These had been reserved to an hour already passed, and 
the man in charge of the box-office gave them to me with the remark 
that they were among the best seats in the orchestra: as in fact they 
turned out to be, and it was from that "coign of vantage" I witnessed 
as much of the moving scenes of the historic episode as any one in that 
astounded audience. My seat was placed at such an angle to the box 
that I saw Mr. Lincoln's head several times — his head only. 

From the sharper angle of those on the stage (had any been there) 
he would not have been easily seen. 

I remained during the period of confusion and excitement that 
followed, and left only after seeing the unconscious victim carried out 
of the theatre into the house across the way where he died the next 

Outside, the excitement was intense, and the whole city seemed to 
awaken as if by magic, in response to the wild news which spread like a 
prairie fire. The other incidents of the plot and the evening involved 
the attack on Secretary Seward, and the attempt to reach Secretary 
Stanton. General Grant had been expected to attend the play, but 
had been called to Philadelphia; and I was in the office of General 
T. T. Eckert the assistant Secretary of War (later president of the 
Western Union) in the old Winder building on Eighteenth Street when, 
at midnight, he called off a message on the instrument on his desk, an- 
nouncing from Grant his safe arrival at Philadelphia. It was by the 
dim light of the early morning stars of Saturday morning that we rode 
sadly back to camp, over the Long Bridge. 

I was fortunate enough to receive a card of invitation to the fu- 
neral services in the White House. That card blurred by the scarce 
dry ink at the time, is a treasured memento of the sad period. The 
coffin was placed in the centre of the large room; — the "East Room" 
I think — two wreaths, one of ivy, the other of laurel (no flowers) lay 
on it. Some of the leaves had fallen on the carpet, and in passing out 
I gathered up a number, which I sent home to New York where they 
also are cherished memorials of the time. 

In the early days of the War, before entering the service of the En- 


gineers, I went from New York to Washington, for volunteer service 
in the Sanitary Commission, with the late Frederick Law Olmsted, 
with whom I had been engaged on the Central Park. In the busy work 
of that Commission I had occasion to go about the Capitol, and the 
hospitals in and about the city, and saw and had communication with 
many prominent officials. I saw Mr. Lincoln often, and on one oc- 
casion obtained an interview with him through John Hay, in the interest 
of the Sanitary Commission. 

We then had in our storehouses a large stock of needed supplies 
for the soldiers — the generous gifts of the patriotic women of the North, 
and by this interview I secured a special order for a detail of teams for 
their transportation. 

I saw Mr. Lincoln often later, when he occasionally visited the 
fortifications south of the Potomac, with Colonel B. S. Alexander, of 
the Engineer Corps, for whom he had a great liking. I remember on 
one occasion he visited Battery Rodgers, on the Potomac below Alex- 
andria. It had been completed by the mounting of a 15-inch Dahlgren 
gun, the largest gun used in the war, as I remember. Some details 
attracted his attention, and called forth some humorous comment, 
which seemed to hugely entertain his auditors. I can recall now, after 
a lapse of fifty years that tall and meagre form, dressed in funereal black, 
with serious but kindly face. Few were his hours of pleasure at any 
time: rather might he have been described as a man of sorrows and ac- 
quainted with cares such as few men in this busy world have been called 
upon to share. But for all time hence the glory of martyrdom for his 
country will brightly shine. His name shall live to be honored for- 

John Y. Culyer 
Mount Kisco, N. Y. 


THE whole question of Seneca land tenure turned upon one 
legal point in their government. At the close of the eighteenth 
century, the Seneca had a form of constitution 1 which prohibited 
any sale of lands without the consent of all the chiefs; but this clause 
was later modified to a vote by the majority. The law of 1888 for- 
bade ownership of the tribal land by any except the Seneca themselves. 2 
One lawsuit arising from this affected an Onondaga clergyman, who 
with his Cayuga wife, resided on the Seneca Reservation at Cattaraugus. 

Desiring a change in regulation of property, the Seneca called to- 
gether a council for three days, January 28-30, 1845, which then made 
the decision of land sales rest upon a two-thirds vote of the chiefs. In 
their agreement at this time, they referred to the Seneca as one Nation, 
as the interest of an individual chief was of little value. A few chiefs 
were empowered to sign as representatives of the whole Nation, but 
could not vote as a portion of them. 

In the third section of the Seneca agreement their hereditary 
enemy, the Ogden Land Company, is thus mentioned: 3 

"It is not understood that any objection is made on the part of 
the Ogden Land Company to the Seneca furnishing themselves the 
conditions, manner and form in which they will sell their own property. 
It would scarcely be urged by intelligent men that the right of purchase 
is so comprehensive as to destroy all discretion and option m the sellers. 
The objection then is not, for it could not be, to the Seneca Indians 
making a law for themselves in respect to the subject in which they are 
a sovereign nation, — but it is to that law being effectual, — being made 
something more than waste paper, by the legislative authority of the 

In the eighth section, it is decided that their chiefs shall be nominat- 
ed by families, and being approved by them and by the council of chiefs 
they are admitted. The majority of chiefs, by this bill of 1845 were 
given the right to depose other chiefs and elect anew. 

The Seneca Nation was thus incorporated in 1845, 4 ar >d two years 
later their officers, all but chiefs, were elected. At a council held 
December 4, 1848, they adopted a republican form of government; 


but October 4, 1864, passed a resolution to overthrow it and return to 
the ancient patriarchal form. This constitution was amended in 1898, 
and amendments were offered up to 1902. 

The "Indian Law" of February 17, 1909, contains provisions re- 
garding the Onondaga, Seneca, Tuscarora, St. Regis and Shinnecock 
tribes of New York state. 5 

Under Section 2, no person can bring action against an individual 
Indian of the Seneca or Tonawanda. Divorces, according to Section 
3, may be granted subject to the jurisdiction of the "Peacemakers' 
Court" of the Seneca. By section 9, the Seneca council may admit 
other Indians to tribal residence; but illegal dwellers may be removed. 

Articles 4 and 5 refer directly to the Seneca Nation, and contain 
forty sections. The branch of the Seneca living at Tonawanda is 
treated under Article 6, Sections 80 to 90. 

Taking up Article 4, Section 40: "In this chapter the Seneca In- 
dians residing on the Allegany and Cattaraugus Reservations are desig- 
nated the Seneca Nation, and the Seneca Indians residing on the Tona- 
wanda Reservation are designated the Tonawanda Nation. For the 
purposes of voting and holding office, the Seneca Indians residing on the 
Cornplanter reservation in the New York Indian agency shall be treated 
as residents of the Allegany Reservation. The councilors of the Seneca 
Nation, and the chiefs of the Tonawanda Nation, in council assembled, 
are designated, in this chapter, the council of each of such nations, 

The government by chiefs is abolished by Section 41, each Nation 
having a clerk and treasurer. The Seneca are given a marshal, three 
peacemakers and eight councilors for each reservation and a president. 
The Tonawanda receive a marshal and three peacemakers. Section 
42 provides for a biennial election on the first Tuesday of November of 
each even-numbered year; and gives details of election. Section 43 
deals with qualifications of voters. The duties of treasurer and clerk 
are dealt with in separate sections. 

The Peacemakers' Court at Allegany, and at Cattaraugus, and 
at Tonawanda, is presided over by its oldest peacemaker, in the settle- 
ment of all dispute. Their records are regularly kept in a book furnished 
by the council, who also regulate fees. Their incompetency is consider- 


ed when there is any degree of relationship to either party in a case. 
Appeals to the Seneca Council, and from the Tonawanda Peacemakers' 
Court are considered, and the enforcement of judgments. The mar- 
shals' duties in executing orders, the prosecution of suits in the name 
of the Nation, the allotment of lands, protection of forests, the offering 
and acceptance of bribes, conveying bribes, and the competency of an 
offender as a witness, are treated in separate sections, numbered up to 

The Seneca at Allegany and Cattaraugus are confirmed as a dis- 
tinct community in Section 70. "Those parts of the Allegany Reserva- 
tion included in the villages of Vandalia, Carrollton, Great Valley, 
Salamanca, West Salamanca and Red House" are excluded from the 
reservations. The president's office is defined, the general powers and 
duties of the council, and the continuation of the office of attorney of 
the Seneca Nation. Vacancies in elective offices, payment of annu- 
ities to the council or its appointed agent, and the detailing of police- 
men for the annual fair of the Iroquois Agricultural Society at Catta- 
raugus, are the provisions completing Article 5. 

The Seneca Indians on the Tonawanda Reservation have also a 
council whose supervising and legislative powers are outlined in Section 
80, Article 6. The district attorney of Genesee County is made attorney 
for the Tonawanda Nation. Vacancies in elective offices are filled by 
a majority vote of a special meeting of chiefs, instead of by a majority 
vote of the Council as among the main body of the Seneca. Leases to 
white persons are permitted, and leasing of common lands by the attor- 
ney. The quarrying and sale of gypsum, sand and gravel is set forth 
in Section 85, at the set price of one dollar a cord in the quarry for the 
first 500 cords taken out each year, and fifty cents for each additional 
cord, the contract to be performed within twenty years; the money to be 
applied to settling for damages, with any surplus to remain under the 
attorney's control for the benefit of the Nation. The proportionate 
share of the annuity of $500, agreed to under treaty of September 12, 
181 5, shall be paid by the State Treasurer to the Treasurer of the Ton- 

Indian trespasses on common land, their encroachment on occupied 
land, are dealt with. Section 89 describes the court of impeachment, 
which is convened on the written petition of at least twenty electors. 
Provision for the erection of poles and wires on reservations completes 


this article. The solidarity of Seneca interests proves their wisdom 
in not individualizing the ownership of land, which, contrary to the 
opinion of President Roosevelt, expressed in 1906, would have broken 
their strength and left them a prey to the spoiler. 

The New York Assembly, of 191 1, passed an act containing 
the following statement: "The Seneca Nation may prosecute by the 
name of 'The Seneca Nation of Indians,' actions and proceedings to 
protect their rights and interests to the Allegany, Cattaraugus and 'Oil 
Spring Reservations' and may maintain an action of ejectment to re- 
cover the possession of any part of such reservations unlawfully with- 
held from them, and an action for injury to the soil of such reservations 
or for cutting down or removing or converting timber or wood growing 
or being thereon or an action of replevin on timber or wood removed 
therefrom, and an action to compel the determination of any claim ad- 
verse to the claim of title of the Seneca Nation, or any member thereof 
as provided in Sections 162 and 38 to 160 and 50 inclusive of the Code 
of Civil Procedure." "Actions may be prosecuted in the name of the 
Tonawanda Nation, by the name of the 'Tonawanda Nation of In- 

The following year, January 29, 191 2 (Int. 350 (360) Assembly), 
the above law was revised, as Section 34 of Chapter thirty-one of the 
laws for 1909. February 8, 191 2, an amendment was introduced being 
520 (539), and dealing with section 50 of Chapter 31. Section 50 is 
again dealt with on January 13, 191 3, making it read: 

§50. Appeals to and from council of Seneca Nation. Within 
twenty days after the decision of a Peacemakers' Court of the Seneca 
Nation, an appeal may be taken to the council of such Nation, by serv- 
ing upon the adverse party and upon the Peacemakers' Court before 
which the action or proceeding was heard a notice of such appeal. The 
peacemakers shall certify the evidence taken before them to the council. 
The appeal shall be heard by at least a quorum of the council, and shall 
be decided upon the evidence taken in the Peacemakers' Court and 
upon the record and evidence to be certified by the peacemakers. An 
amended return may be compelled at any time as justice may require. 
Upon the hearing of an appeal in any court any party shall have the 
right to appear either in person or by counsel. An appeal from the de- 
termination of the council may be taken to the county court of the 
county in which the trial before the peacemakers was held. The ap- 


peal must be taken within sixty days after the judgment or determina- 
tion of the council was made or rendered and shall be taken by serving 
upon the respondent and upon the clerk of the Seneca Nation a written 
notice of appeal, subscribed either by the party appealing or by his at- 
torney in the appellate court. The clerk shall thereupon, and within 
ten days, certify and return the record of the peacemakers and a true 
and full copy of all orders made and proceedings taken therein by the 
council to the said county court. The county court may hear said 
appeal as an appeal upon questions of law only, or, upon the application 
of either party, make an order for a new trial of the action or proceeding 
in county court upon such terms and conditions as justice may require. 
If it shall at any time appear that the county court has not jurisdiction 
of the subject-matter of the action or of any party thereto, the county 
judge shall make an order transferring such action or proceeding to the 
Supreme Court. 


Whereas, the usage, practice and custom of the Seneca Nation of 
Indians, to sell and dispose of their lands by the consent and agreement 
of a majority of their chiefs, without the express consent of the warriors 
and people of the Nation, has in these latter days of our weakness and 
limited territory, given great uneasiness to our people, and created an 
apprehension among them, that while this power continues to be thus 
vested, their homes will be insecure, and has impressed them with the 
belief that they and their children must live in continued fear that their 
lands will be sold without their consent, and the deepest misery thus 
entailed upon them and their posterity: 

And, whereas, a general council of the whole nation was. convened 
at the council house on the Cattaraugus Reservation, on the 28th day 
of January, 1845, for the purpose of considering this subject, and of so 
altering our political usages and organization, as after mature delibera- 
tion, it should be deemed wise and expedient: 

And, whereas, also, the sachems, chiefs, and head men of the said 
nation, duly assembled in such council, have, after full discussion and 
mature deliberation, determined that the welfare of the nation, the 
security, prosperity and happiness of their people, require that the ex- 
press assent of the warriors and people, as well as of the chiefs of the 
Nation, should be necessary to a valid sale, or disposition of their lands; 


Therefore, we the chiefs and representatives of the Seneca Nation 
of Indians, in such general council assembled, acting for, and in behalf, 
and by the authority of the said nation, and in exercise of the inalienable 
right of the said nation, to alter and modify, their political customs and 
usages, when it becomes necessary for their security, prosperity and 
happiness; do hereby, in the name, and behalf, and by the authority 
of the said Seneca Nation, resolve, determine, ordain, publish and de- 
clare, that our political usages, customs, organization and constitution 
be, and the same are hereby altered and amended, so that no sale, or 
disposition, of the whole or any part of our lands, hereafter to be made, 
shall be valid or of any effect, unless the same be made in full and open 
council of the chiefs and warriors of the Nation, and by the express 
assent of two-thirds of all the chiefs, and of two-thirds of the whole 
residue of the male population of the Nation of the age of twenty-one 
years, whether attending such council or not, such assent to be given 
in writing, under the hands and seals of the parties and in full the open 
council of the chiefs and warriors of the Nation assembled together in 
one council. But nothing herein contained shall, in any manner alter, 
change, affect, lessen or diminish the rights, powers, duties, privileges, 
or authority of the chiefs, in any other matter or respect whatever. 

And we do further resolve and determine, that this ordinance, or 
act of the nation, be entered at large on the records of this council, and 
that four copies thereof be signed by the chiefs assenting thereto, one 
of which copies shall be delivered to the President of the United States, 
with the request that the same may be deposited with the Archives 
of the United States; one of which shall be presented to the State, and 
filed with the records; one of which shall be presented to the Governor 
and council of Massachusetts, with the request that it may be deposited 
among the Archives of the commonwealth, and be kept in perpetual 
remembrance by its Governor and council; and the other of which shall 
be deposited and kept with the Archives and records of the Seneca 

Done and signed in open council at Cattaraugus, this thirteenth 
day of January, 1845. 

John Seneca, and forty-nine others. 

The following is a copy of the Amended Constitution of the Seneca 
Nation of Indians. 6 

"Made and adopted in convention assembled, duly called and or- 


ganized in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the 
said Nation, convened at the Council House at Cold Spring on the Alle- 
gany Reservation; and also at the Court House on the Cattaraugus 
Reservation, on the 15th day of November, 1898. 

We, the people of the Seneca Nation of Indians, residing on the 
Cattaraugus, Allegany and Oil Spring Reservations, in the State of 
New York, grateful to Almighty God for our national preservation, 
growth and prosperity, for the freedom and manifold blessings hereto- 
fore by us enjoyed, honoring the traditions of our Nation, trusting in 
the present, with confidence in the future advancement and better 
conditions of our race, and desiring greater enlightenment in order to 
perpetuate our national relations, to provide for ourselves greater safe- 
guards in pursuit of life, liberty and happiness, and to bring ourselves, as 
a nation to as high a plane intellectually, socially and morally as possi- 
ble, do make, adopt and establish the following Constitution. 

Section I. Our government shall have a legislative, executive and 
judiciary department. 

Sec. 2. The legislative power shall be vested in a council of six- 
teen members, who shall be called the counsellors of the Seneca Nation 
of Indians, of whom eight shall be elected every two years for the Catta- 
raugus, and eight for the Allegany reservations. 

The first election under this Constitution shall be held on the first 
Tuesday of November, 1899 (made 1900 by State law), and thereafter 
on the first Tuesday of November every second year. 

Ten of said counsellors when assembled in session regularly organ- 
ized shall constitute a quorum for the transaction of business. 

In all appropriations of public money an affirmative vote of at 
least ten of the whole number elected shall be necessary. It shall not 
be lawful for the council to make appropriations of public money in any 
one year exceeding the sum of the aggregate revenue of that year; but 
the council shall make appropriations of public money to carry on the 
government in extraordinary cases for the welfare of the Nation. 

In case of a vacancy in the office of President, the Council shall 
choose from their number a President, who shall hold office until his 
successor shall be duly elected and shall have qualified. In case of ab- 
sence of the President, the Council shall choose from their number a 
presiding officer pro tempore. 

68 tAe 


The Council shall have the power of impeachment, by a vote of 
the majority of a\\ the members elected. The court for the trial of an 
impeachment shall be composed of the President of the Council or a 
majority of them, in all cases except in that of a trial of the President; 
in that case, the court for the trial of impeachment shall be composed 
of at least a majority of the Council and of the Surrogates of the Nation. 

Sec. 3. The executive power shall be vested in the President, 
whose duty it shall be at all times to preside over the deliberations of 
the Council, having a casting vote therein. 

The President shall from time to time give to the Council informa- 
tion of the state of the Nation, and recommend to their consideration 
such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient, not inconsis- 
tent with the true spirit and intent of the laws of the Seneca Nation. 
It shall be his duty to see that the laws applicable to the Nation are 
faithfully executed. He shall have power to fill all vacancies by ap- 
pointment that shall occur, either by death, resignation or impeach- 
ment of any of the officers of the Nation. Such appointees shall hold 
office until their successors are elected and duly qualified. 

The President shall have the power of veto. Every resolution or 
other measure passed by the Council carrying with it any appropriation 
out of the funds of the nation, before it becomes operative shall be pre- 
sented to the President for his approval or objections; if he approves, 
he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it to the Council with his ob- 
jections in writing. The objections shall be entered at large on the 
minutes of the clerk; after which the same may become operative and 
binding on the Nation only by a second passage of the same by not 
less than twelve votes of the Council. In all such cases, the name of 
each member voting shall be entered in the journal of the proceedings 
of the Council. 

Sec. 4. The judiciary power shall be vested in courts to be known 
by the name of Peacemakers' and Surrogates' Courts. The Peacema- 
kers' Court shall be composed of three members each. One court to 
be established upon the Cattaraugus and the other upon the Allegany 
Reservation. The members of each to be elected from the residents of 
the respective reservations, on the first Tuesday of November, 1899, 
the term of office of said Peacemakers and for each of their successors 
thereafter shall be two years. Peacemakers' Courts shall have exclusive 
jurisdiction in all civil cases arising between individual Indians residing 


on said reservations, except those which the Surrogates' Court have 
jurisdiction of. The form of process and proceeding* in said courts 
shall be such as is prescribed by law. The said Peacemakers' Courts 
shall have jurisdiction to grant divorces as between Indians residing 
on the said reservations. Any two of the Peacemakers on either of the 
said reservations shall have the power to hold courts and discharge all 
the duties of Peacemakers' Court. All determinations and decisions 
of this court shall be subject to appeal to the Council; such appeal to 
be heard by at least a quorum of the Council. All cases of appeal shall 
be decided by the Council upon the evidence taken in Peacemakers' 
Court. In every case on appeal, it shall be the duty of the Peacemakers 
before whom the action or proceeding was had to certify the evidence 
in the cases taken before them to the Council in the same manner as 
Justices of the Peace are required on questions of appeal of law. The 
Council shall then decide the case upon the evidence so certified, and 
the decision of the Council shall be final between the parties. Upon 
the hearing either party in interest shall have the right to appear in 
person or by counsel, and argue the merits of the case. In every action 
in Peacemakers' Court such action shall be brought in the name of the 
real party in interest. 

The Surrogate's Court shall be composed of one person for each, 
the Allegany and the Cattaraugus Reservations, to be elected from the 
residents of the respective reservations at the annual election after 
the adoption of this Constitution. They shall hold their office for 
the term of two years, and be elected every two years thereafter. They 
shall be known as Surrogates, and shall have jurisdiction of all matters 
on each reservation for which they are respectively elected, the same 
as surrogates of the different counties of the State of New York have, 
and the form, process and proceedings now adopted and in force among 
the surrogates of New York State shall be the forms, process and pro- 
ceedings in use and to be adopted in the courts hereby created, with the 
right of appeal from all decisions and determinations by said courts, 
to the Council of the Seneca Nation, the same as from peacemakers 

Sec. 5. The power of making treaties shall be vested in the Coun- 
cil, subject to the approval of at least three-fourths of the legal voters 
and the consent of three-fourths of the mothers of the Nation.* 

*A provision proving the Woman's Rights party to have been long antedated by the 


Sec. 6. There shall be a clerk and a treasurer of the Nation: the 
rights, duties and liabilities of such, shall be as defined by law. 

Sec. 7. There shall be two marshals for the Nation; one shall re- 
side on the Cattaraugus and one on the Allegany Reservation. The 
rights, duties and liabilities of each shall be as defined by law. 

Sec. 8. The Council may provide for the election of Highway 
Commissioners, Overseers of the Poor, Assessors and policemen for 
each of the said reservations, their duties to be as defined by law. 

Sec. 9. All officers of the Nation named in this Constitution shall 
be elected bi-annually for the term of two years. All officers of the 
Nation named in this Constitution may be impeached or removed for 
such cause as is recognized by law, in such manner and form as is pres- 
cribed by this Constitution. 

Sec. 10. Every male Indian of the Seneca Nation, of the age of 
twenty-one years and upwards, residing upon either of the reservations 
of the Nation, and who shall not have been convicted of a felony, shall 
be competent to vote at all elections and meetings of the electors of the 
Nation and shall be eligible to any office in the gift of the people of the 

Sec. 11. The compensation of all officers of the Nation named in 
this Constitution shall be such as prescribed by law and the salaries 
shall not be increased or diminished during their term of office. 

Sec. 12. The Council shall meet annually on the first Tuesday 
of December of each and every year. The President shall have power 
to convene the Council in extra session as often as the interests of the 
Nation in his judgment requires. 

Sec. 13. The Council shall have power to make laws not inconsist- 
ent with the laws of the Constitution of the Nation, or of the State of 
New York, or of this Constitution. 

Sec. 14. The laws and regulations heretofore made and adopted 
by the council and not inconsistent with this Constitution shall con- 
tinue in full force and effect as heretofore until repealed or amended to 
the extent and in the manner, as the Council shall deem alwful and 



Sec. 15. The present officers of the Nation shall hold their offices 
respectively until the first Tuesday of November, 1899, or until others 
are elected in their places in accordance with the terms of this Constitu- 
tion, unless removed for cause. 

Sec. 16. It shall be lawful for the council in their discretion by at 
least a quorum vote to appoint a committee of three of revision of the 
Constitution. The duty of the committee shall be on ten days' no- 
tice of their appointment, to prepare amendments or alterations of the 
Constitution as in their judgment seem necessary and proper, and to 
report the Constitution as amended to the Council. It shall be the 
duty of the Council to submit the same to the electors of the Nation for 
their approval or rejection, to be determined by a majority vote of the 
qualified electors at a meeting called for the purpose on the Cattaraugus 
and Allegany Reservations respectively; the said meetings or elections 
to be held on the same day. In case the proposed amendments of the 
Committee are rejected, no action shall be taken by the Council or the 
electors relative to amending this Constitution within one year from 
the date of the said meeting and rejection. 

Revised and done in pursuance to the resolution duly passed by 
the Council of the Seneca Nation and voted on by the legal voters of 
the Nation on the 15th day of November, A. D. 1898, and carried. 

William C. Hoag {Chairman) 
Alfred L. Jamerson, 
Committee •{ C. C. Lay, 

T. F. Jamerson, 
Frank Patterson. 

New York City Grace Ellis Taft 


1. N. Y. Sen. Doc. 93, 1845. 

2. N. Y. Ass. Doc. 51, 1889, p. 791; Sen. Doc. 56, 1853. 

3. Sen. Doc. 90, 1845. 

4. Ass. Doc. 160, 1865. 

5. Chap. 26, Consolidated Laws, Int. 350 (360), Assembly 520 (509). 

6. Appendix D, pp. 310-316, Ass. Doc. 40, 1906. 


ON January 29, 1798, the dramatic life of New York City had 
its real beginning. Before that date the drama's existence in 
that then small city was struggling and somewhat feeble, al- 
though there had been two or three theatres hardly deserving the name. 
These playhouses in the early dawn of New York's dramatic life were 
chiefly the Nassau Street Theatre, the David Douglass Theatre and 
the John Street Theatre. There was, however, in that small city near 
the close of the eighteenth century the same spirit of progress which 
now characterizes the great metropolis and some of its citizens formed 
a company to build a newer and more elaborate playhouse. To obtain 
the necessary money for constructing this new theatre, eighty shares 
of stock, at $375 a share, were issued or a total capital of $30,000. 
The plans of this theatre were drawn in 1793, its construction begun 
two years later, and the building completed about 1798. It was on 
Park Row, having a frontage of eighty feet and a depth of one hundred 
and sixty-five feet. 

On January 29, 1798, there occurred the first of many dramatic 
performances in that famous theatre. On the opening night there were 
two plays, "As You Like It," and afterwards, a musical play named 
"The Purse or American Tar." From that date for over twenty years 
this Park Theatre, as it was called, was indeed the center of dramatic 
life in New York, performances being given at first on only four nights 
of the week but later on every night except Sunday. For some years 
only English operas were played on its stage, but in 1819 an Engl sh 
adaptation of the "Barber of Seville" was performed. From 1798 to 
1820 several celebrated actors, such as John E. Harwood in 1803, 
George Frederick Cooke in 18 10 and James W. Wallack in 181 8, ap- 
peared at the theatre. On May 25, 1820, after the play, the "Siege of 
Tripoli," had been performed, at the close of the theatrical season, this 
first Park Theatre was destroyed by fire, there being a heavy loss to its 
owners, John Jacob Astor and John K. Beekman. 

A second Park Theatre was soon constructed upon the site of the 
first. Like its predecessor this second had a frontage of eighty feet and 
a depth of one hundred and sixty-five feet. It had seven doors open- 
ing into a good-sized vestibule, and there were other improvements over 
the construction and furnishings of the first Park Theatre. The initial 


performance was given on September, 1821, under the management of 
Price and Simpson, the play being a comedy entitled "Wives as They 
Were, and Maids as They Are." 

This new theatre was considered in its day to be very grand and 
palatial, and it must certainly have been far more comfortable and at- 
tractive than were those playhouses which preceded the nineteenth 
century. Theatres like the Nassau Street or the David Douglass had 
been lighted by some wax candles at the front of the stage and by other 
candles nailed to a "barrel hoop" which hung from the ceiling. The 
new Park Theatre was much better off in this respect, for instead of a 
"barrel hoop" hanging from the ceiling it had three chandeliers and 
some patent oil lamps each of the chandeliers having thirty-five lights. 
But, nevertheless, despite these improvements in lighting and comfort 
the new theatre was not any too remarkable. Indeed Richard Grant 
White has not given us a very flattering description of this fashionable 
playhouse; and he thus depicts it: 

"Across them (its boxes) were stretched benches consisting of a 
mere board covered with faded red moreen, a narrower board, shoulder 
high, being stretched behind to serve for a back. But one seat on each 
of the three or four benches was without even this luxury, in order that 
the seat itself might be raised upon its hinges for people to pass in. 
The pit, which was in our modern theatre become the parterre (or 
Parquet), the most desirable part of the house, was in the Park Theatre 
hardly superior to that in which the Jacquerie of old stood upon the 
bare ground (parterre), and thus gave the place its French name. The 
floor was dirty and broken into holes; the seats were bare, backless ben- 
ches. Women were never seen in the pit, and although the excellence 
of the position and the cheapness of admission (50 cents) took gentlemen 
there, few went there who could afford to study comfort and luxury 
in their amusements. The place was pervaded with evil smells; and, 
not uncommonly, in the midst of a performance, rats ran out of holes 
in the floor and across into the orchestra. This delectable place was 
approached by a long underground passage, with bare, whitewashed 
walls, dimly lighted except at a sort of booth at which vile fluids and 
viler solids were sold. As to the house itself, it was the dingy abode of 
dreariness. The gallery was occupied by howling roughs who might have 
taken lessons in behavior from the negroes who occupied a part of this 
tier, which was railed off for their particular use." 



Nevertheless, despite this very discouraging word-picture of New 
York's first fashionable playhouse, the second Park Theatre intro- 
duced Italian opera into our country. Upon its stage many of the great- 
est actors and actresses made their appearance as well as some great 
singers and musicians of those times. In 1821 Junius Brutus Booth act- 
ed'there, in 1825-26 actors like Conway Kean and Forrest — the "Kean 
riot" occurring in the vicinity of the theatre on November 14, 1825. 
About two weeks after this "riot" there took place here that famous 
first performance of Italian opera by a company brought to America 
by Manuel Garcia, father of the noted singer known as Malibran. This 
opera was the famous "II Barbiere di Siviglia" by Rossini. In 
1829 Edwin Forrest played here and in 1830 J. H. Hackett produced 
"Rip Van Winkle." During 1832 and 1833 the Ravels, Charles and 
.Fanny Kemble, Charles Kean and Tyrone Power appeared upon its 
stage, Ellen Tree in 1836, James E. Murdock in 1838; while in 1840 
Fanny Ellsler ("The Ellsler"), aroused the admiration of the public 
by her dancing, particularly a -pas seule called "La Cracovienne" and 
by a ballet called "La Tarentule." However, her appearance on the 
stage caused stern and outspoken criticism from the clergy as well as 
from many others who were opposed to her interpretation of dancing. 
Other famous actors and musicians were also seen upon the stage of 
this playhouse, including the great violinist, Ole Bull, who made his 
American debut here. 

But, as in the case of the first Park Theatre, so this second one 
was finally destroyed by fire. On December 16, 1848, just before its 
doors were opened for a performance, a file of playbills hanging at the 
prompter's entrance to the stage was accidently set on fire by a burn- 
ing gas-jet, and within a little over an hour's time the famous theatre 
was no more. It was never rebuilt, although of course, other theatres 
in New York City, and indeed all over the United States have been 
named for it or have been called by that name. 

Such is a very brief history of New York's first fashionable play- 
house, for although there were two theatres upon the same site they 
should be considered as one playhouse. With its doors opened on the 
29th day of January, 1798, destroyed by fire in 1820, rebuilt in 1820-21, 
and then serving the public until December 16, 1848, when it was again 
destroyed by fire, the Park Theatre had certainly a long and honorable 
career — from the administration of John Adams to the administra- 


tion of James K. Polk, a histrionic existence of about half a century. 
That theatre really inaugurated the dramatic life of New York City 
and although it passed away almost three-score and ten years ago its 
memory seems still fresh in our minds. But what dramatic changes 
since 1798 or indeed since 1848! Then, an unattractive auditorium, 
inadequately illuminated, with many uncomfortable seats; now, in the 
year 1916, a beautiful and luxurious theatre, brilliantly lighted, with 
soft cushioned seats and cosey surroundings. 

Newton, Mass. Charles Nevers Holmes 


We have received from Samuel G. Boone, of Reading, Pa. (late 
Lieutenant, 88th Pa. Vols.), an interesting letter in regard to Captain 
Hays' "Recollections:" He says: "Lieut. Morgan Kupp (see our 
issue for July, 1914) was not of the 88th Pa. as Hays states, but was 
Quartermaster of the 167th Pa. Drafted (9 months) Militia. 

Hays' memory is at fault as to the date of the great tunnel escape. 
It was not February II, '64, as he says, but on the night of February 8 
and 9. I was about the fifth man in line to go down the hole in the 
fireplace when the alarm was given that the prison officials were coming, 
when we all scampered upstairs to our quarters." 


(First Paper) 

ON November i, 1683, Charles II. erected (as the term is) twelve 
counties in the American territory he had granted to his brother 
James, Duke of York (afterwards James II.) on March 12, 
1664. Ten were in the present state of New York, and twc in what is 
now Massachusetts: Duke's county, and Cornwall, the settlement at 
and about Pemaquid, Maine (then a part of Massachusetts). 

No other counties were formed in New York for almost a century — 
1772 to be exact. 

These ten have since been divided and subdivided into sixty-two; 
but only twelve have been created since 1821, and only three since 
1 841 ; so the civil divisions of New York State are probably at an end, 
unless a lcng-desired Unadilla County shall be carved out of an existing 
two or three neighbors. 

First in age, as well as in alphabetical order, is Albany County 
(the town itself being known to the Dutch as Beverwyck, Beverfuyck, 
or simply The Fuyck — meaning hoop-net, from a bend in the Hudson 
near it). Its present name is the Duke's second title, he being also 
Duke of Albany. It has figured largely in state history, having been 
the capital since 1797. Excepting Jamestown, Virginia, the city is 
the oldest settlement in the original thirteen Colonies. In 1609 Hud- 
son, in the Half Moon, anchored in front of what is now Broadway. 
Albany gave its name to three very different things — first to a political 
organization which for many years dominated the policy of the Demo- 
cratic party in the state — "The Albany regency." — secondly to the 
flesh of the sturgeon, which fish used to be taken in numbers in the 
waters of the upper Hudson and was also commonly called"Albany beef." 
And thirdly to a standard size and grade of pine board, known to the 
lumber trade as an "Albany board". The original limits of the county 
embraced an enormous territory, including what is now comprised in 
fourteen counties in Vermont, besides the several in New York which 
were afterwards set off from it. 

Allegany county was created in 1806, being taken from the terri- 
tory of Genesee county. Its name came from its chief stream, the 


Allegany river, and that, in the Seneca Indian tongue is "talegan," 
meaning "crane." It is a distinction to Allegany that its first white 
visitor — albeit as a captive — was Mary Jemison, the famous "White 
Woman of the Genesee," in 1759. But earlier, in 1771 , Charlevoix, 
who passed along the south shore of Lake Ontario and who refers in his 
account to the beauty of the Genesee River scenery, and to the account 
given him by Joncaire (who lived for several years at Lewiston, on the 
Niagara) of a petroleum spring near the town of Cuba. Allegany is 
part of the historic "Seneca county,"the home of that fierce tribe of the 
famous "Six Nations;" and several of their "trails" are well-known. 
One of them leads to the oil-spring at Cuba, of which Joncaire said 
"The Indians use its waters to appease all manner of pains" (the early 
name of crude petroleum was "Seneca Oil"). The county is still an 
oil field in parts. Its fertility, as part of the "Genesee country" is almost 

An early settler was Major Moses Van Campen, whose biography 
is one of the rarities of our Indian and frontier literature, though 
several times reprinted. He settled (1796) in what is now the town of 

An earlier visitor than he, of a different profession, was the noted 
Indian missionary Rev. Samuel Kirkland, who was there in 1765, and 
suffered great privations, during a year of famine. 

Allegany was part of the famous "Phelps and Gorham purchase" 
of 1787-81, afterwards controlled by Robert Morris and the Holland 
Land Company; and it has the distinction of possessing the only 
American institution of learning named for a monarch — Alfred Uni- 
versity, in the town of Alfred, named, as also the University, for King 
Alfred the Great. 

Broome county (1806) was taken from Tioga County, and com- 
memorates John Broome, an old and honored merchant of New York, 
where a street was named for him, and also Lieutenant-Governor of 
the state in 1804. 

He is said to have shown his appreciation of the honor by present- 
ing the county authorities with a handsome silver official seal, designed 
by himself. It is traversed by three of the most beautiful rivers in the 
East — the Susquehanna, Delaware and the Chenango; the banks of 
the first and last both abound in valuable pebbles, agate, garnet, jasper, 


tourmaline, etc. It is one of the counties composing what is common- 
ly — and politically — known as the Southern Tier 

Bronx County, the last so far of the sixty-two, was made in 1900 out 
of the southern tip of Westchester County, which had been annexed to 
New York City. It takes its name from the river flowing south through 
its centre, to Long Island Sound; and this was named for Jonas Bronk or 
Bronx, one of the very early Dutch settlers. 

The particularly unmelodious name of Cattaraugus County (1808) 
makes it remarkable that it was adopted when the territory was set 
off from the musically named county of Genesee. The meaning, in 
the Seneca language (Ga-da-ga-us,-geo-n) is "where oozed mud falls" 
or in Iroquois Gah-ra-ra-keras — or "stinking shore," either one vulgar 
enough to insure rejection, one would think. 

Cattaraugus contains many evidences of a very ancient occupa- 
tion by a people other than the Indians who were the possessors when 
the first whites came. These consist of mounds, earthworks, excavations, 
etc. In 1799 these were so prominent that Captain Charles Williamson, 
then residing in Steuben County, wrote: "Through all this country 
there are not only signs of extensive cultivation having been made at 
some early period, but there are remains of old forts, where the ditches 
and gutters are still visible. 

"An accurate examination of this county, by men of observation 
and science, might throw light on the history of this part of America, 
now so little known." Its first white settlement was in 1798 by Quakers 
from Pennsylvania, in the present town of South Valley. A notable 
incident in the history of the county is the long-continued efforts of 
the Philadelphia Quakers to improve the condition of the Indians in the 
county. These began in 1798 and continued until 1821, when they 
ceased, owing largely to the opposition of the noted chief Red Jacket. 
In 1839 however, the attempt by the Holland Company to deprive the 
Senecas of their lands led the Indians to appeal to their old-time friends 
the Quakers, for aid, and through their efforts, in 1842 53,000 acres 
were restored to the Senecas. 

Cayuga County (1799) was a part of Onondaga, and the name is 
an Iroquois word, Kweniogwen, meaning, the place where locusts were 
taken out; but what entomological incident this refers to, history does 


not inform us — we know only that it is the cognomen of a once famous 
Indian tribe, one of the Six Nations. 

(In this connection, it must be noted that New York has a larger 
proportion of Indian-named counties than any other state, out of the 
sixty-two, sixteen, or over one-fourth, are named for the aborigines, 
or have Indian words.) 

The Cayuga and Senecas occupied the most valuable part of the 
territory of the Six Nations — the beautiful "Lake Country" and the 
equally beautiful but more fertile valley of the Genesee — all of which was 
devastated by General Sullivan in the course of his famous march 
through the Indians' country. 

Chautauqua (1808) was also a piece of Genesee, and a Seneca 
name — "T'ken chia takwen" "one has taken out fish there:" perhaps 
a fitting name when Chautauqua Lake is considered. 

Probably no other county in the United States is better known to 
the world than is Chautauqua. Through the "Chautauqua movement" 
hundreds of thousands who never saw or will see any part of the region 
itself are familiar with its name. 

It is probable that the first white to visit it was Stephen Brule, 
the interpreter for Champlain, who was there in 161 5 five years before 
the landing on Plymouth Rock. Its original inhabitants were the 
Erie Indians, who were utterly annihilated by the Iroquois in 1656, and 
of whom there remain only a number of their burial-places — at least 
thirty, of which some are in perfect preservation. The famous Seneca 
chief "Cornplanter" (who was really a half-breed) "belonged to the 
region as Robin Hood to Sherwood Forest", says the author of the 
"Centennial History" of the county. A notable time in the history of 
all the Northern and Eastern States was long remembered in Chautauqua 
County: the year 18 16, popularly known as "The Year without a Sum- 
mer" — from the strange inclemency of the seasons. Ice formed every 
month — the Fourth of July was cold and raw and August ice half an 
inch thick was seen. As a natural consequence the first six months of 
1817 was called the "Starving Season." A notable incident of the 
history from 1800 to 1850, is a mournful one to the naturalist: the story 
of the great flocks of wild-pigeons, now an absolutely extinct bird. 
In 1822, in the town of Gerry, one family killed 4,000 in one day! — 
knocking them down with poles. A great event in the county's his- 


tory, was the visit of Lafayette to Westfield and Fredonia, in 1825. 
Never before or since, says its chronicler, has so large a percentage of 
its inhabitants gathered together. To the county's credit, it was a 
prominent part cf the "Underground Railroad" system; and Jamestown, 
Westfield, Cordova, Fredonia and Cattaraugus Creek were chief sta- 
tions on that celebrated "road," all of whose passengers were negroes, 
and all bound for Canada. Naturally, the county's record during the 
Rebellion was a good one. General Schofield, General Stoneman, Col- 
onel William Colvill of the First Minnesota, which lost 82 percent, at 
Gettysburg, and the four Cushing brothers, Alonzo of Gettysburg; 
William B., the destroyer of the Albemarle; Howard B., of the Third 
Cavalry, and Milton B., paymaster in the Navy— all were born at 
Fredonia, where is a monument to their mother and themselves. Gov- 
ernor Reuben E. Fenton, Thomas W. Harvey, the inventor of "Har- 
veyized steel"; George W. Pullman, of car fame; Philip Phillips, the 
famous "Pilgrim Singer"; E. D. Palmer the sculptor — all were natives 
of the county. 

Chemung (1836) was a part of Tioga. Its introduction to his- 
tory dates from August 29, 1779, when Sullivan fought Brant and 
Butler's forces at the present Newtown, three miles south of Elmira. 
A better name than "battle of Newtown" would be "battle of Che- 
mung," as there was no Newtown then and there never has been but 
one Chemung. The word is Iroquois, and means "big horn;" because 
of two great horns or tusks, of some prehistoric animal were found in 
the banks of the Chemung River, one by the Indians and the second 
by an early settler. This has disappeared: the other is said to be pre- 
served in Quebec. 

Elmira had distinguished visitors in 1797; no less than three French 
Dukes — Orleans, Nemours and Berri, the first of whom became King 
of France as Louis Philippe. They were on their way from Canandaigua 
to the French settlements on the Susquehanna, and spent several days 
in Elmira — which town gets its name from Elmira (Almira?) Teall, 
youngest daughter of Nathan, a tavern-keeper there. 

James C. Beecher and Thomas K. Beecher, Lieutenant Colonel and 
Chaplain respectively of the 141st New York Volunteers, a Chemung 
regiment, were brothers of Henry Ward Beecher, and citizens cf Elmira, 
where Thomas was pastor for forty-six years. No less than three 
Rear-Admirals of cur navy — Francis A. Roe, Thomas Perry, and Aaron 


K. Hughes, were natives of Elmira. Mrs. Frances A. Whitcher, author 
of the "Widow Bedott Papers," was the wife of Rev. B. W. Whitcher, 
rector of Trinity Episcopal Church. Unfortunately, the spirit of the 
times was so intolerant that when her authorship became known, Mr. 
Whitcher lost his church! The present Bishop D. S. Tuttle of Mis- 
souri, is also a native of Elmira. 

Elmira was one of the few municipalities to issue "shin-plasters" 
during 1861-63. A very few of them survive, and are great curiosities. 

Lebbeus Hammond, of Wyoming, Pa., whose two wonderful es- 
capes from the Indians are recorded in Miner's and Peck's histories, 
was one of the early settlers of Chemung, and his name is perpetuated 
in the settlement of "Hammond's Corners." 

Chenango (1798) was taken from Herkimer and Tioga. It is an 
almost pure Seneca Indian word, "Ochenango," or big bull-thistles. 

Physically it is a very attractive region, diversified by many beauti- 
ful streams. "Joe" Smith the Mormon prophet, was a resident of 
Afton, and there, or in the town of Palmyra, hatched the "Mormon 

Clinton (1788) the first county — other than Montgomery and 
Washington, to be named for an individual after the Revolution, was 
so named in honor of George Clinton, Brigadier-General, and the first 
Governor (1777-79) of the State, and Vice-President of the United 
States, — 1804-1812. When the great services rendered by him, his 
brother James, and the others of the family name, are considered, it 
must be acknowledged that no distinction was ever more worthily be- 

It is unfortunate that the county, from its geographical position 
and other causes, has never become noteworthy for any particular pro- 
duction, manufacture, or inhabitants. It is the northeastern county of 
the state, bordering on Canada, and bounded easterly by Lake Cham- 
plain, on whose waters in the War of 181 2, occurred the Battle of Lake 
Champlain, which, with the companion Battle of Plattsburgh, was the 
chief event in the county's history. 

To Clinton belongs the distinction of having the first steamboat in 
the world, after Fulton had demonstrated the success of the Clermont 
on the Hudson. This was the Vermont, which made her first voyage 
on Lake Champlain, in June, 1809. 


It also possesses one of the most beautiful natural attractions of the 
Eastern States, the famous Ausable Chasm, through which flows the 
Ausable River, to Lake Champlain. It was a Clinton genius who, in 
1837, originated the idea of a railroad from Ogdensburgh to Boston, 
to be covered all the way. 

The two child-poets, Lucretia (1808-25) an d Maria (1823-38) 
Davidson were born in Plattsburgh. 

Columbia County (1786) would owe its name doubtless to the 
famous poem by Joseph Hopkinson, had its formation only been de- 
layed until 1798, when "Hail, Columbia" made its appearance. As 
it is, it is merely the poetic name of Columbus, which various poets 
had adopted to designate North America. 

Martin Van Buren, eighth President of the United States, was a 
native of the county, as were also the two famous Livingstons, Edward 
(1764-1836) and Robert R. Jr. (the Chancellor), who was Fulton's 
backer in his steamboat, which was named Clermont from the Living- 
ston country seat. 

Other notable natives of the county were John C. Spencer, Secre- 
tary of War 1841-42, who was the father of the unfortunate midship- 
man, Philip Spencer, of the brig Somers, and Samuel J. Tilden. 

Columbia was the scene of much of the "Anti-Rent War"of 1844-46, 
and narrowly escaped the greater distinction of being the scene of 
Irving's famous "Legend of Sleepy Hcllow." It was in Kinderhook, Van 
Buren's home, that he gathered much of his material and it was doubt- 
less his intention then to have the scene there, instead of at Tarrytown. 
In fact, the three leading characters, Katrina Van Tassel, Ichabod 
Crane, and "Brom" Bones, were really Kinderhook citizens — Katrina 
Van Alen, Jesse Merwin and Abram Van Alstyne. On a letter written 
to him by Merwin in 1851, Irving endorsed "From the original of Icha- 
bod Crane." The school house near the Van Buren homestead 
"Lindenwald", is known— as "The Ichabod Crane School", and 
Merwin himself is buried in the Kinderhook village cemetery. 

Cortland County (1808 was a "good year" for counties, no less 
than five being then formed) — was named for General Pierre Van Cort- 
land (1762-1848), a son-in-law of Governor Clinton and Major General 
in the Westchester County militia, and a large land owner in the county 
(the name of which should be spelled, as he always spelled it, with a 
final "t"). 

(To be continued) Joel N. Eno 


IN the winter of 1849-50 William K. Rogers of Ohio (afterwards 
private secretary of President Hayes), Richard Anderson (after- 
wards a lawyer of note in Cincinnati), and myself, three Kenyon 
College graduates, intimate friends, were in Boston, where, as students 
of law, we obtained seats in the courtroom during the trial of Professor 
Webster for the murder of Dr. Parkman. This famous trial, ending 
in the conviction of Webster, was long drawn out, and we had a good 
deal of time, when the court was not in session, in which to become 
acquainted with the city. One day I visited the shop of an ingenious 
mechanic named Chamberlin, situated on one of the short thorough- 
fares leading from the Common to Washington Street, either Summer 
or Winter Street. I had been working on a new device for a sewing 
machine in which the fabric was pierced through and through by means 
of a double-pointed needle with an eye in the center, and which was to 
be operated by the aid of electricity. I asked this Mr. Chamberlin 
to construct for me a model of what I had in mind. He, however, ad- 
vised me, before I proceeded further with my invention, to go to a cer- 
tain number on Washington Street and examine some machines which 
he had recently installed there. I visited the place and saw six of the 
machines in operation. They were being used in the making of cloth- 
ing and were doing work which was apparently satisfactory. The de- 
vice employed was a complete surprise to me: a shuttle revolving under 
the cloth plate by means of which a loop stitch was formed. A care- 
ful examination of the machines convinced me that they were much 
simpler in construction and could be manufactured at much less cost 
than my own. I returned to Mr. Chamberlin and told him that I 
should not do anything further with my model and gave him my reasons. 
"Your decision is a wise one," he replied, "for it would take a long time 
and a considerable fortune to teach people hew to manage the electrical 

attachment on your machine. There are some men in Street, 

for whom I have done work recently, who can tell you how difficult it 
is to educate people in the use of electrical contrivances. You had bet- 
ter go to see them if you are interested in such things." 

In accordance with his suggestion I searched out the place and 
found the men working on a chemical telegraph proposition. While 

— Read before the Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, December 10, 1915. 


I stood examining the apparatus they were using, there came to me the 
idea of a writing or printing machine by means of which characters could 
be produced by striking paper through an inked ribbon with steel types 
attached to levers so hung that when moved they met at a common 
center, the paper being fastened to a carriage which automatically 
moved forward a space after each depression of the levers. The idea 
was a fascinating one and became so forcibly impressed on my mind 
that I was never able wholly to rid myself of it. I went back to 
Chamberlin's to talk it over with him and to consider the advisability 
of constructing such a machine. Before anything was determined, 
however, I left Boston, and did not return for many years. 

In July, 1850, I took up my residence in St. Paul, Minnesota. At 
first, the activities of frontier life fully engaged my attention and left 
me no time for making a model of my typewriter, although the idea 
was constantly present in my mind. Later, on the outbreak of the 
Civil War, I volunteered for service in the Union Army. I served as 
chief quartermaster with General Thomas in the campaign against 
General Hood. After Hood was defeated and driven out of Tennessee, 
we were stationed for a time at Nashville. I had very little to do and, 
happening upon a German in the ranks who was a clever mechanic, 
I engaged his services and began looking up material for a wooden 
model of my writing machine. But the work was interrupted again on 
my receiving orders requiring me to rejoin my own command in Virginia 
with General Sherman. 

At the end of the war I resigned from the service and returned to 
Minnesota. Immediately I became interested in projecting, obtaining 
land grants for, and building the Hastings and Dakota Railroad. In 
the course .of the construction work it became necessary to make some 
flat cars, and I went to Milwaukee to purchase wheels and other ma- 
terial. The exact date of this trip can not be stated with certainty 
without reference to the books of the Hastings and Dakota Company, 
which are at the present time probably in the possession of the Chicago, 
Milwaukee, and St. Paul Railway Company. One day when I was 
in the offices of the latter company, Superintendent Merrill said to me, 
"General, you are fond of mechanical contrivances; come with me over 
to Director Glidden's room and look at a new machine for paging books." 
A few moments later we were in Mr. Glidden's office where I was intro- 
duced to a Mr. C. L. Sholes, the maker of the paging machine, who ex- 


plained briefly its mechanism and operation. "Well, General, what 
do you think of it?" asked Mr. Glidden. "It is a very ingenious and 
well-made machine," I replied; "but its use will, I think, be limited, 
and the demand for it so inconsiderable as to be quite insufficient to 
meet the cost of manufacturing it. I have had in mind for many years 
a machine not more difficult to make than this one, a machine which, 
when properly made and introduced, will come to be universally used 
not only in our own country but in foreign lands. The idea came to me 
one day in Boston at the time of the great trial of Webster for the mur- 
der of Parkman, and impressed itself on my mind as one which ought 
to be worked out. Up to this time my attention has been so fully oc- 
cupied that I have not been able to give the matter any thought. At 
present these railroad affairs are absorbing all my time. It is my belief 
that ideas like this are inspirations to us from the unknown; that on re- 
ceiving them, we become in a way trustees and that our trusteeship 
imposes on us an obligation: we are bound to see these inspirations 
brought to completion. Now I am going to relieve myself of any res- 
ponsibility for this idea of mine by passing it on to Mr. Sholes, provided 
he will promise to make the machine." Seating myself at a near-by 
table, I drew a rough sketch of what I called a typewriter. I explained 
how the type-bars were to hang so that the type would strike the paper 
at a common center through an inked ribbon, and how, at the instant 
of striking, the paper carriage moved forward one space, "Yes, yes, I 
understand; I think I can make such a machine," said Sholes. "Very 
well, I will give you the idea on condition that you make a machine, 
take out patents on it, and start a factory. You will find customers 
for all the machines that you and many others are able to make." I 
hurriedly left the offices with Mr. Merrill, went on about my railroad 
business, and gave the matter no further thought. 

Mr. Sholes, at this time collector of the port of Milwaukee, Mr. 
Glidden, a director of the Milwaukee and St. Paul Railway Company 
and himself an inventor, and a Mr. Soule, an editor and printer, were 
the men who were back of the paging machine, and who, at my sugges- 
tion, now agreed to take up the matter of the typewriter. The task 
of constructing the machine was intrusted to Mathias Schwalbach, a 
German ciock-maker employed by Sholes at three dollars a day. As 
the work progressed, Schwalbach, suggested some changes, among 
others the banking of the keys in three rows. The machine was at 


length completed, and in 1868 Sholes and Glidden applied for patents. 1 
A later model with improvements was patented by Sholes and Schwartz 
in 1 87 1. It is probable that Edison was consulted at or before this 
time, since in an article in System (10:230 — September, 1906) he says: 
"I helped build the first typewriter that came out. At that time I had 
a shop in Newark and a man from Milwaukee — a Mr. Sholes — came to 
me with a wooden model, which we finally got into working shape." 

In order to bring the typewriter to the attention of the public, 
Sholes sent typed letters out through the country. One of these fell into 
the hands of James Densmore of New York. He went to Milwaukee 
to examine the machine personally, and as a result of his visit the organ- 
ization of the typewriter company of Densmore, Sholes, and Schwal- 
bach was brought about. The new company began immediately the 
work of manufacturing the machines. Densmore, who had put all his 
money, six hundred dollars, into the venture, took the first one that 
was completed to New York. The next few months were serious ones 
for him; reduced to the extremity of sleeping in a garret and of living 
for the most part on apples, he went from door to door in fruitless at- 
tempts to interest some one in the machine. Finally he made a deal 
with the Western Union Telegraph Company, by which he received ten 
thousand dollars. Densmore then returned to Milwaukee and bought 
out his partners, paying Schwalbach three hundred and fifty dollars 
besides turning over to him the shop and its contents. Later (about 
1875) he was able to interest the firm of E. Remington and Sons, gun- 
makers, of Ilion, New York, in the proposition and placed the manu- 
facture of the machines in their hands. 2 

1 Previous to this date the following patents had been granted for typewriters, or machines 
similar in character and purpose: In 1714 a British patent was granted to Henry Mill; in Amer- 
ica a patent for a "typographer" was obtained by William A. Burt in 1829; the "typographic 
machine or pen" on the type-bar principle was patented by X. Pogrin of Marseilles in 1833; 
between 1847 and 1856 Alfred E. Beach in America, and between 1855 and 1860 Sir Charles 
Wheatstone in England, made several typewriters; in 1857 Dr. S. W. Francis of New York 
made one with a pianoforte keyboard and type-bars arranged in a circle; and in 1866 John 
Pratt, an American living in London, patented a machine with types mounted in three rows 
on a wheel, the rotation of which brought the required character opposite the printing point. 
Encyclopaedia Bnlanmca, 27:501 (1911 edition). 

2 Densmore's royalties, so I am informed, have amounted to over a million dollars. 
Sholes is reported to have said that he realized from his interest in the machine only about 
twelve thousand dollars. A serious illness of long duration soon exhausted this sum and he 
died in poverty. Glidden has also died. Schwalbach is, I believe still engaged in the clock 


And so it came about that when I was in charge of the depart- 
ment of agriculture under the Hayes Administration, one day the re- 
spectable colored man, "old Uncle John," who did duty as doorkeeper, 
informed me that a man wished to see me for a few moments. I directed 
my assistant Mr. 0. D. La Dow to ascertain whether the man's busi- 
ness was of enough importance to warrant an interruption of my work. 
On his return he said, "It was only a man who wished to show you a 
machine. I have sent him away." "What kind of machine was it?" 
I asked. "He said it was a typewriter," was the reply. "Typewriter! 
Typewriter! Call him back! I have a special interest in typewriters!" 
I exclaimed. On being shown into the room, the man exhibited a 
typewriter, my typewriter, a Remington model, writing only capital 
letters. I was much interested in the machine and submitted it to Mr. 
La Dow for trial and approval. The machine was purchased, being the 
first, so the salesman reported, to be installed in a public office. Im- 
proved models were soon afterwards made in which the type-bars each 
carried two characters, a small letter and capital. The skillful opera- 
tion of the machines by my assistants soon made them popular, and 
their use gradually extended to other offices notwithstanding the ridicule 
attending the introduction of "new methods of economy in the depart- 
ment of agriculture." 

My prophecy that the use of the typewriter would become uni- 
versal in both our own and other countries has been in these later years 
more than fulfilled. Indeed, the conduct of present day business enter- 
prises is possible only through its aid. 

William G. Le Due 
Hastings, Minn. 



E recall today not the notable achievements but the Christian 
character of the man. 

The familiar story of the hatchet is no doubt legendary, for 
it has been traced to its source; but why did such a legend arise? Leg- 
ends are often as true as expressions of the characters of those of whom 
they are told as the things they have really said or done. The legends 
that gather about any great hero of the past reveal the impression 
made by him upon his contemporaries. They often gather together 
and express in epigrammatic form the general effect of his character. 
It was so with Washington. Men felt that he could not tell a lie. 

Truthfulness is a fundamental trait of Christian character; but 
looked at in larger perspective what do we know of the Christianity of 
Washington? What type of Christian was he? Though he did much, 
he said little. Much has been written of his deeds but there is only a 
meagre record of his thoughts and ambitions, his faith and his piety. 
What were his own inner feelings in the great moments of his life — 
when he stood with Braddock in the wilderness witnessing the confusion 
and defeat wrought by obstinacy and over-confidence; in the dark and 
lonely days at Valley Forge; as he faced his task and entered the un- 
trodden path as first President; when he had retired to the quiet of 
Mount Vernon; in the hour of triumph and in the days of gloom? 

Washington was a Christian by inheritance. He came of a family 
not only of Christians but of clergymen. The clergy are, perhaps, no 
better than other men; but where many members of a family through 
several generations enter the Christian ministry there must at least be 
present a strong religious conviction. Men do not give up their lives 
to a work in which they do not believe. "The only profession," says 
President Wilson, "which consist in being something is the ministry 
of our Lord and Saviour — and it does not consist in anything else." 
The first essential in a minister is that he "be a Christian." The great, 
great grandfather of George Washington was a minister of the Church of 
England. He was the Rev. Lawrence Washington, who was deprived 
of his living at Purleigh by Cromwell. It is not unlikely that it was 
the poverty into which the family was thrown by this act of Cromwell's 

— An Address given before the Daughters of the Revolution at Taunton, Mass., 1915. 


government that led his two sons to try their fortunes in America. 
Three generations before another Lawrence Washington had received 
from Henry VIII a priory at Sulgrave, where there is still a tablet 
commemorating the Washington family. Beside these two clergymen 
there were, as Dr. John S. Littell in his interesting monograph* has 
pointed out, several other direct ancestors of George Washington who 
were ministers of the Church of England — the Rev. Lawrence Washing- 
ton, University preacher in 1570; the Rev. Lawrence Washington, 
Vicar of Stotesbury in 1619; another of the same name vicar of Colmer; 
besides a Rev. George Washington, a Rev. Adam Washington, a Rev. 
Robert Washington, a Rev. Marmaduke Washington and a Rev. 
Henry Washington. These men were all loyal to the Church of Eng- 

Surely this was a fine inheritance. Dr. Holmes has told us that 
a man's education begins generations before he is born. Washington 
at birth was already by promise an earnest Christian and a good church- 

So far as the outward profession of religion is concerned, Washing- 
ton followed the customary path. He was baptized when a few weeks 
old and confirmed in early youth. He was an exceptionally regular 
attendant at church, one rector declaring that he had never seen so 
constant an attendant at church as was Washington. There were 
regular services for the army wherever he was in command. He him- 
self read the burial service over the body of General Braddock. The 
story is told how someone seeking him on a Sunday was directed to the 
church with the words, "Look for the man who kneels." He would be 
known by his devout attitude. From Portsmouth in New Hampshire 
to Savannah in Georgia, there are a score of churches in which it is 
recorded that Washington worshipped there. In Portsmouth and Bos- 
ton; in Cambridge, Newport and at New Haven; in New York and 
Philadelphia; in several places in Virginia; in Charleston and Savannah, 
the record may be found. Whenever possible it was in his own beloved 
Episcopal Church that he knelt in prayer; but he was not an exclusive 
churchman and went occasionally to both Protestant and Catholic 
churches. More than once dispatches were given him in church, where 
he would read them, but continue his worship until the service closed. 

*George Washington: Christian, by the Rev. John Stockton Littell, D.D., Keene, N. H. 
The writer is also indebted to Dr. Littell for other facts cited in the address. 


This record is particularly significant in view of the prevailing 
neglect of worship at that time. It was a dark period in the history of 
the Church in America. In 1801 there were only six professing Chris- 
tians among the students at Yale; at Harvard there are said to have been 
none. One denomination, today the largest among Protestants, was 
losing at the rate of three thousand members a year. Chief Justice 
Marshall said the Episcopal Church was too far gone ever to be revived. 
But Washington worshipped every Sunday. 

Deeper than any outward expression of religion is the personal 
faith of a man. Worship may be conventional. What was the inner 
life of Washington? He was a man of few words; of a naturally re- 
served and silent temperament. Yet when such a man speaks of re- 
ligion his words carry the more weight, in contrast to the customary re- 
serve. It is like a man's tears; they do not come easily, but when they 
do they express great emotion. We may judge something from Wash- 
ington's occasional utterances. The orders of a commanding general 
are not usually burdened with religious admonitions, yet Washington 
in his general orders to the army in 1778 said: "While we are zealously 
performing the duties of citizens and soldiers, we certainly ought not 
to be inattentive to the higher duties of religion. To the distinguised 
character of patriot it should be our highest glory to add the more dis- 
tinguised character of Christian." Again in a letter to the governors 
of the states in 1783, he writes: "I make it my earnest prayer that 
God would have you and the state over which you preside in his holy 
protection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate 
a spirit of subordination and obedience to government; to entertain a 
brotherly affection for one another, for their fellow-citizens of the United 
States at large, and particularly for their brethren who have died in the 
field; and finally that he would most graciously be pleased to dispose 
us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that 
charity, humility and pacific temper of mind which were the character- 
istics of the divine Author of our blessed religion; without our humble 
imitation of whose example in these things we can never hope to be a 
happy nation." Where will we find a state paper in which religion 
occupies so conspicuous a place? In resigning his command as general 
he said: "I consider it my indispensable duty to close this last solemn 
act of my official life by commending the interests of our dearest coun- 
try to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the super- 
intendence of them to his holy keeping." Then there are the more 


familiar words of his Farewell Address: "Let us with caution indulge 
the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. 
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on 
minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to 
expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious prin- 

The personal religion of Washington seems to have been marked 
by a deep humility and to have been permeated with the evangelical 
piety which was the chief expression of the religious life of his time. 
The following prayer taken from one of his note-books might well have 
been composed by Charles Wesley, so characteristic is it of the evangeli- 
cal spirit: "Remark, not, O God, I beseech thee, what I have done 
amiss; remember I am but dust and remit my transgressions, negli- 
gences and ignorances and cover them all with the absolute obedience 
of thy dear Son." 

Washington records his remembrance of his mother's advice: "My 
son do not neglect the duty of secret prayer." Nor did he hesitate, 
notwithstanding his natural reserve, to pray in public. These prayers 
will perhaps seem formal to a more emotional nature, but they are 
direct and self-forgetful. Like Lincoln, Washington was apparently 
not so much concerned to have God on his side as that he should be 
found on God's side. On one occasion he prays in the words of Joshua : 
"The Lord God of gods, the Lord God of gods, he knoweth, and Israel 
he shall know; if it be in rebellion, or if in transgression against the Lord, 
save us not this day." 

To prayer Washington added faith. Nothing less could have kept 
him hopeful during the dark days of the Revolution. It took faith 
also to refuse to yield to popular clamor and to stand well-nigh alone 
for the course he believed to be right. His faith was real to him in 
hours of danger. When ill, so that death threatened, he could say; 
"I am not afraid to die. Whether to night or twenty years hence makes 
no difference." 

What then was Washington's character as a Christian? The 
nature of his religion was apparently in harmony with the prevailing 
traits of temperament which Napoleon's estimate so well portrays. 
"A man solid rather than brilliant, wise rather than enthusiastic, the 
prevailing character of his mind was judgment rather than enthusiasm; 
he was moved by forethought rather than rapture." 


The moral rather than the mystical expression of religion was fore- 
most. Washington was quick to express his disapproval of all violations 
of the moral standard even on such matters as swearing and gambling, 
which were so general among men at that day that objection to them 
must have appeared to many as approaching moral fastidiousness. 
He characterizes swearing as "wanton and shocking;" he refers to gam- 
bling as "an abominable practice." In the moral expression of his 
religion three notes seem to the writer predominant. First, self-res- 
pect. Self-respect is based on the ability to be what one believes one 
ought to be. Before it is 

"The task of making real 
That duty up to its ideal; 
Effecting thus complete and whole 
A purpose of the human soul." 

But no man can live wholly up to his ideal, and such self-respect can- 
not be maintained without help from God, without some justification 
which takes the motive for the deed. George Washington maintained 
his self-respect. It is an evidence of the depth of his religion. 

Another moral trait was his sincerity. He surprised the opposing 
generals by doing what he apparently intended to do. By such sin- 
cerity he disarmed political opponents and discredited their methods. 
He would not court popularity. He was the captain of his soul. 

"A man, who, lifted high, 
Conspicuous object in a nation's eye, 
Or left unthought of in obscurity, — 
Who, with a toward or untoward lot, 
Prosperous or adverse, to his wish or not, 
Plays, in the many games of life that one 
Where what he most doth value must be won." 

There was also the note of loyalty. For the traitor he had the ut- 
most loathing. Nothing so aroused Washington's anger as the sugges- 
tion of any action that was tainted with disloyalty. When some of his 
followers would have made him king he felt it as a burning insult. 
Never was a national leader more completely at his country's call. 
Professor Royce assures us that loyalty is the chief thing in religion 
and that it is the ultimate measure of character. Christ made loyalty 
to himself the test of discipleship; an intensity of devotion from which 
one might not even look back. George Washington was loyal. 


Such was the Christian character of the great man whose birthday 
we commemorate at this time. His life is our heritage. He lived in a 
period of national crisis. Three-quarters of a century later another 
crisis brought forth another great leader; a man whose life was also a 
life lived in the conscious presence of God. Today yet another crisis 
has come upon us; with its difficulties, its doubts, its opportunities. 
We do well to recall the principles which guided Washington and Lin- 
coln. The problems are different; the principles which will enable us to 
meet them wisely are the same. Let us then, 

"Fling forth the triple-colored flag to dare 
The bright, untravelled highways of the air. 
Blow the undaunted bugles, blow, and yet 
Let not the boast betray us to forget. 
Lo, there are high adventures for this hour — 
Journeys to test the sinews of our power, 
For we must parry — as the years increase — 
The hazards of success, the risks of peace! 

What do we need to keep the nation whole, 
To guard the pillars of the state? We need 
The fine audacities of honest deed; 
The homely old integrities of soul; 
The swift temerities that take the part 
Of outcast right — the wisdom of the heart; 
Brave hopes that Mammon never can detain, 
Nor sully with his gainless clutch for gain." 

Taunton, Mass. (Rev.) Malcolm Taylor 


IN the fall of 1859 (September?) Mr. Lincoln delivered in Milwaukee 
an address before the State Agricultural society. The annual fair 
of that society was held in Eldred pasture ground, north of Spring 
street, now Grand Avenue, between Twelfth and Fourteenth streets. 
The year before, in 1858, the famous debate between Lincoln and Doug- 
las had taken place in Illinois. The prize before them in this debate was 
the United States senatorship. This Mr. Douglas won. That result 
came about because the legislature was chosen under an old apportion- 
ment, which favored the Democrats. The popular vote, however, was 
against Mr. Douglas by 7,000. The moment I learned that fact I be- 
came an advocate of the nomination of Mr. Lincoln by the Republicans 
for the presidency. I was a young lawyer and had not much to do be- 
side straight thinking and figuring in politics. William H. Seward was 
the heir apparent to the next presidency with the Republicans largely 
throughout the nation. Wisconsin was overwhelmingly in favor of 
Seward. But to my view this was the lay of the land — any Republican 
to be elected must carry Indiana and Illinois. Mr. Lincoln can carry 
everything in the east that Mr. Seward can, and he can carry Illinois 
against Judge Douglas even, for he has already done it. Can Mr. Se- 
ward do that? Doubtful. The margin against Douglas in the sena- 
torial contest is small — only 7,000. State pride could easily overcome 
that as against Mr. Seward. But Lincoln could carry the state high 
and dry and sweep Indiana along in the current with him. We can- 
not afford to make experiments; to risk any uncertainty. Lincoln can 
be elected! Whether Mr. Seward could be is uncertain. That was 
the way the figures stood on my slate for nearly a year before Mr. Lin- 
coln came to Milwaukee to deliver the agricultural address. When I 
saw the announcement that he was to speak at the state fair I said: Be- 
hold the Lord hath delivered the next President into my hands for in- 
spection! I had never seen Mr. Lincoln before, and I never saw him 
afterward; but I did see him on that day, as I will relate. 

— Originally written c or the Milwaukee Free Press of April 7, 1902. 

The author was, at the time of Mr. Lincoln's visit to Milwaukee, a young attorney of 
that city. He was afterward ordained and has been a pastor in the Congregational 
churches in the Middle West, mainly in Wisconsin and Illinois. He has contributed many 
tboughful articles to the religious and secular press and magazines and now resides in Lom- 
bard, Illinois. The article was contributed for the Magazine by Duane Mowry, of Mil- 


I had better say that, though I was New Hampshire born and bred, 
I had known of Mr. Lincoln as a Whig politician and orator back as far 
as the days of the Taylor, Cass and Van Buren contest of 1848. On 
the morning of the day of the address I went to the fair grounds as 
early as 9 o'clock and stayed outside to watch for the coming of Mr. 
Lincoln. With him were John W. Hoyt, secretary of the agricultural 
society; Gen. Rufus King and, I think, E. H. Brodhead. They alighted 
outside the grounds. Being on good terms with the gentlemen who 
accompanied Mr. Lincoln, I was introduced to him at once. Gen. 
King made a pleasant remark about the reliability of my politics. This 
brought out the noted smile, a hearty handshake and some pleasant 
words of greeting, and I was installed among the company of personal 
attendants for the day. We spent an hour looking over the exhibit. 
Nothing particular occurred or was said. Mr. Lincoln now and then 
made a remark which showed he had a farmer's eye for good points in 
stock, tools or machinery. He took hold of the handles of a plow and 
tipped it about as though the muscles of his shoulders knew all its proper 
motions and tingled to exercise them. 

Mr. Lincoln's presence did not seem to attract attention. Some- 
times there might be a score of persons in the retinue and sometimes it 
was reduced to half that number or less. When the time came for the 
delivery of the address we went to the stand from which he was to 
speak. There were 200, possibly 300, persons assembled. There was 
no crowd — you could have gone back and forth among them with ease 
at any time. People came and went during the delivery of the address, 
as they took passing glimpses at any other part of the show. One may 
wonder now at this lack of interest in Mr. Lincoln, but it must be re- 
membered that then, to Democrats — one-half the people of the state 
— Mr. Lincoln was a beaten discarded Illinois politician, and to the 
other half — Republicans — Mr. Seward was the only possible candidate 
for the presidency. No ray from the glamour of what was to be fell 
back to Mr. Lincoln as he delivered the address on that day. Mr. 
Lincoln read his address, holding his manuscript in his hands. There 
was no noticeable rhetoric in the address and no effort of oratory in its 
delivery. It was the plain speech of a plain man to plain men. I fear 
that that address is to be added to the list of the lost speeches of Mr. 


Lincoln.* I am told by the secretary that no minute of it can now be 
found in the office of the Agricultural society at Madison. A file of 
Milwaukee papers of that day might disclose its character. I took no 
notes. I was so busy studying the man, who, to me, held the future so 
certainly in his hand, that I was somewhat oblivious to what he said. 
I am sure, however, that if a copy or report of it is found it will disclose 
the fact that it was a wave from the great ground swell of the thought of 
the time. Something about agriculture in freedom and in slavery — 
about the dignity of labor in the two conditions and about the possi- 
bilities of progress in them — will come to the front or will be the back- 
ground from which the address was projected. 

Mr. Lincoln had fine command of his sentences and of his voice. 
He could give a clear, sharp emphasis to a word that would give it the 
force of a whole argument. 

When the address was finished we sauntered down to the gate, 
where Mr. Lincoln and friends took the carriage back to the city. After 
dinner he was taken to a drive about the city, and I did not see him 
again till 4 o'clock. It was the understanding, so far as the word could 
be passed about (I think no notice was given in the papers), that Mr. 
Lincoln should have a Republican reception at 4 o'clock in the Newhall 
house parlors. I was promptly on hand. Mr. Lincoln came on time 
from his room to the parlors, in dress suit of faultless black broadcloth. 
Its loose fit did not seem ungraceful on his large frame. His necktie 
was of the black silk 'kerchief order, the ends of which pointed in no 
particular direction. That was the only eA'idence of carelessness about 
his dress. Gen. King acted as marshal for the occasion. The general 
requested Capt. Bowns of the Scott guard and myself to act as ushers. 

There was not special interest in this reception for Mr. Lincoln. 
One or two hundred people may have dropped in in the course of the 
hour — probably nearer one hundred than two. A score or so of ladies 
came in. Mr. Lincoln greeted them very pleasantly and with ease of 
manner. Indeed, I do not see why Mr. Lincoln should have been called 

*The Wisconsin Agricultural Society published an edition of Mr. Lincoln's Address. 
At sometime before I wrote a fire had consumed the Library of the Society — including the 
volumes containing the Address. 

But my statement above attracted attention. A few copies were found that were out 
of the Library. John G. Gregory, Editor of the Milwaukee Evening Wisconsin was kind 
enough to send me a copy. I found it bore out my analysis. 


awkward and ungraceful. He was large and had to have room for his 
motions, but I do not see how he could have handled his great frame 
more gracefully than he did. Every lady to whom he was introduced 
received the token of a low bow and that indescribably sweet smile — 
the sweetest I have ever seen on the face of man. 

At 5 o'clock the reception seemed to be over and then those who 
were left fell to and had a free-for-all political interview. We asked him 
questions about everything that was in the air at that time. The slav- 
ery and free soil contest was on and feeling was at its whitest heat. 
Mr. Buchanan's administration was drifting on towards its pointless, 
helpless conclusion, the secessionists were lashing themselves into fury, 
the nominations for the Presidency and the election were to come in the 
next year; and here was a political seer and we plied him with questions 
about everything, from principles to the significance of a town election 
in some remote state. There was nothing that he was not familiar with 
but his answers were often cautious. 

In this conference it was determined to have a political meeting in 
the evening and to have a speech from Mr. Lincoln from the balcony 
of the Newhall house. At 7 o'clock a band was brought out to play in 
the street in front of the house. At that hour Mr. Lincoln came down 
to the parlors to await directions. Toward 8 o'clock some of us went 
out on the balcony to look down into the street to see the assembly that 
was to be addressed. Mr. Lincoln started up from his chair before the 
fireplace and went out with us. There was no one in sight except the 
band in the street and folks travelling up and down on the sidewalk in- 
tent upon their own affairs. Mr. Linclon peered over the railing of the 
balcony and, discovering the situation, and with a light laugh said: 
'Well, we can't call that a crowd, can we?" We then started to go back 
mto the rotunda. I was a little ahead and turned to look at Mr. Lin- 
coln as he was following, and, behold! a change! His countenance was 
fallen! That afterward well known, indescribable, pathetic look of 
suffering sadness had taken the place of that equally indescribable 
smile. It was an awesome sight. He looked to me as though his soul 
was dreaming on something a thousand miles from that place. We were 
drifting along, a score or so of commonsized men, under his huge stature 
and he was looking into vacancy over our heads evidently paying no 
more attention to us than if we were ants of the ground. I had seen 
his face in sober, settled calm many times during the day, but this was 


something away beyond calm, something in the region of mental pain. 
What occasioned it I know not. Was it the disappointment to his 
strong ambition of the blank, vacant street? Had life all along had dis- 
appointments till they furrowed his mobile face with their lines and set 
it to that pathetic expression? 

In a moment we were in the rotunda and the winning smile was 
back in its place. There was disappointment among us over that failure 
to secure a speech, but a little consultation developed the plan to have 
Mr. Lincoln speak right there in the space between the office and the 
parlors. There were enough present to make an audience of respect- 
able proportions for the space. So a chair was brought for him to speak 
from. He did not like that foundation. There was a radiator just 
north of the office which had a wide marble cover. Mr. Lincoln's at- 
tention was directed to that and he said "Yes." The chair was placed 
beside it and then several men gave hands to steady him as he stepped 
from the chair to the top of the radiator. It was a narrow platform, 
but it answered very well. From that marble-topped radiator Mr. 
Lincoln spoke to us for nearly or quite an hour on the political issues of 
the day. I am not going to report that speech. I can only say that 
we had here in Milwaukee substantially the Cooper Institute speech 
delivered some months later in New York. This Cooper Institute 
speech was the turning point in the fortunes of Mr. Lincoln, making it 
possible for him to secure the Presidency. I was in the east when that 
Cooper Institute speech was delivered. Have you ever watched the 
turning of the tide? — a slow, resistless motion in one direction and a 
moment later a slow, resistless motion in another. That was what you 
could see in the east as the result of that speech. Men said as they read 
it: Well, what? Who is this? Here is a strong man — a man of grasp 
and force. Why, this man would do for the Presidency. Yes, he could 
be elected, he could carry Illinois and Indiana. It may be best to look 
in this direction for a candidate for the Presidency. The tide turned 
— set in that direction, and the result is history. Well, we had the 
main drift of the Cooper Institute speech in Milwaukee from the marble 
top of a radiator in the spaceway of the office of the Newhall House. 
Had Mr. Lincoln been disposed to action in the Newhall House he could 
not well have employed it. But he was scarcely more than conversation- 
al throughout. He made few gestures. Now and then, when he wished 
to be very emphatic he would put both arms up on one side as far as he 
could reach and bring them down in an arc as low as he could stoop and 


then carry them up as high as he could reach on the other side. In any- 
one else that might have been awkward, but in him it was not. You 
were reminded by it of the sweep of great elm limbs in a storm. 

Well, the Newhall House speech was over. Mr. Lincoln was assisted 
down from the radiator, there was a general all-round handshake with 
him and we went our way, and he to his room in the hotel. He took 
the earliest train the next morning for Racine, thence to Freeport, 
thence to his home, then in a few months to the Cooper Institute speech, 
and then — well, he was on the way to the results of the convention in 
the wigwam in Chicago and to the election to the Presidency, and to 
whatever else now belongs to the name of Abraham Lincoln. 

So began and so ended my day with Mr. Lincoln in Milwaukee in 
the fall of 1859. 

Lombard, III. (Rev.) Charles Caverno 


A FTER the insurgents under Shays had been routed and dispersed 
/\ at Petersham by General Lincoln, commander of the state 
X JL forces, early in February, 1787, the rebellion was well under 
control throughout the state, except in the County of Berkshire where 
no inconsiderable number of armed malcontents had collected. In- 
formation of this was sent to General Lincoln by General Paterson of 
Lenox, the commander of the Berkshire militia. General Lincoln 
thereupon marched to Pittsfield in the center of the county as speedily 
as possible, and General Shepard with another division of State forces, 
marched to the same place by a different route. Minot, whose con- 
temporary history is the most reliable chronicle of the rebellion, says: 
"But before their arrival there, an adjustment took place between the 
insurgents, who had collected about two hundred and fifty men in the 
town of Lee, in order to stop the courts, and the militia, who mustered 
to the number of about three hundred, with a determination to protect 
them. The substance of the agreement was, that the insurgents should 
disperse, and that the commander of the militia should, in case they 
were pursued by the government, use his personal endeavors to have 
them tried in their own county." 

This insurgent rendezvous was in East Lee, and the courts of the 
County were held at Great Barrington, then the shire town; the Court 
house being about fourteen miles from East Lee. Some misty tradi- 
tions have been handed down in this community about the affair, most- 
ly apocryphal, or entitled to little credit. A version which many per- 
sons here consider reliable, appears in Rev. Amory Gale's History of the 
Town of Lee, Mass., published in 1854, an octavo of forty-eight pages: 
a work which contains many facts which are not so. 

It is as follows: "In 1786, there were 800 of Shays's (sic) men 
assembled in Great Barrington, under arms; and soon after, a company 
of 250 assembled in Lee, composed of men of Lee and vicinity. This 
company finally concentrated their forces on the Perry place, in Cape 
Street, which Deacon Culver now owns. General Pattison, (sic) at the 
head of the Government forces, came from Stockbridge, and took his 
position on Mr. Hamblin's hill, upon the opposite side of the Green- 
water river.* This hero had engaged Dr. Sargent, with a company of 

*Not a river, a small stream. 


assistants, as the surgeons of his army, who occupied Lyman Foote's 
house. And while the army was preparing for battle, the surgeons 
were tearing up sheets and other linen for bandages for the wounded, 
preparing tables, blocks, and other necessary things pertaining to their 
work. General Pattison's men had cannon, but the Shay's men had 
none. To supply this deficiency, the Shay's men put Mrs. Perry's 
yarn-beam upon a pair of wheels and drew it up back of the house. 
The ramrod, and other appendages for cannon in actual service, were 
exhibited to their enemies in the most impressive way. The ignited 
tar-rope was freely swung in the air, and the men were running in every 
direction to put everything in order for battle; and when Peter Wilcox, 
their leader, with a stentorian voice, heard by their enemies, gave the 
order to fire, the valiant Pattison, with his men, fled for life before 
Mother Perry's old beam." 

This dramatic language is undoubtedly just "filling" to make a 
thrilling story. It is not certain that General Paterson was there; his 
presence is not mentioned in his life by Egleston. He was a brave and 
judicious officer who had served through the Revolutionary war and 
was engaged in the battles of Trenton, Princeton, Monmouth and 
Saratoga. It is preposterous to suppose he would flee from a "Quaker" 
gun. There is a well authenticated tradition that Dr. Eldad Lewis 
of Lenox went freely to and from the parties with offers and pledges, and 
that the affair was managed with the hope and purpose of preventing 
bloodshed. It is almost certain, too, that Peter Wilcox was not the 
leader, nor the reputed artillerist. His son, Peter, Jr., may have been 
there, but he was a young man only twenty-two years old and was not 
likely to have been a leader. He and a brother were with the Shays' 
party in the fight at Sheffield later, where the brother was killed, and 
Peter was taken prisoner, tried and condemned to death. Another 
of Peter Wilcox's sons served with the state forces. There is no evi- 
dence to show that he himself was actively, or in sympathy an adherent 
of Shays. What little evidence there is tends to clear him of the charge. 

Probably ever since cannon were invented counterfeit ordnance 
has been frequently used a ruse "to fright the souls of fearful adver- 
sories." That the insurgents amounted the yarn-beam is undoubtedly 
a fact. Several writers mention it and state it helped to secure better 
terms, which is doubtful. In the quaint memoirs of the Rev. Billy 
Hibbard, one of the old time Methodist circuit riders, the first edition 


of which was published in 1825, is some account of the affair at East 
Lee, and some other items of interest relating to that troubled period. 
If the wooden pieces were mounted on a sleigh, as he says, it would not 
be so strange in that winter season, for cannon have sometimes been 
mounted in that way in winter campaigns. Mr. Hibbard's narrative 
is as follows: "In the year 1786, I was fifteen years old and began to 
listen with attention to the politics of the day. It was said that the 
rich men wanted to bring the state into lordships; and therefore the 
Governor and counsel (sic) had levied a tax so heavy on the people, 
that there was not sufficient money in circulation to pay it. Some of 
the best accountants made out that all the money in circulation, would 
not more than pay one-sixth part of the tax; and lands must be sold 
at auction for one-hundredth part their value to make it out, and I 
presume not one in fifty could pay his tax without distressing him. So 
I understood the subject, and so the talk ran. All turned out to stop 
the courts from sitting. My father was opposed to government, and 
took an active part in stopping the court. Then arose General Daniel 
Shays. He took the chief command. About seven thousand rallied 
around his standard in the counties of Hampshire and Worcester, while 
government sent out General Lincoln with about four or five thousand 
to quell the insurgents. They manoevered about from the last of 
November until February, when Shays disbanded, or rather deserted his 
army, with orders to disband and go home. Meanwhile a party were 
raised in Berkshire county, under General P., of about two or three 
hundred, and they went about to disarm the people, whilst the most of 
our men that could be spared with their arms and ammunition, were 
with Shays. However Major W. and Captain C. with others, beat up 
for volunteers. My father and brother turned out with them, and left 
me home to send on provisions. They marched around through several 
towns, until they got about three hundred soldiers, and then marched 
to meet General P. in the town of Lee. They drew up in line of battle. 
Captain C. and my father had the command of the prisoners they had 
taken; and putting them into a house out of which they had moved a 
loom, they took the yarn beam, and cloth beam, and laid them on a 
sleigh, pointing them toward the court party (as they were called) to 
frighten them into submission. This had the desired effect; for the 
court party having two or three field pieces, they formed their line at 
so great a distance, that small arms cculd not reach them; and there 
was a valley to cross, so that while our men were advancing to injure 


them, they could rake them with their field pieces; but beholding with 
their spy glasses from a distance the two loom beams, they concluded 
one was a six pounder, and the other a small field piece. Upon this 
they proposed terms of peace — that each party should retire home and 
be quiet. After these terms were agreed upon, our men disbanded and 
came home. Just after this we heard that Shays had fled to Canada, 
and his army had disbanded. General Lincoln marched up to Berk- 
shire. In passing through our town, they took all they could of those 
who had been out with Major W. And as my father lived about a mile 
from the main road, and the bye roads were drifted with snow. So it 
was difficult to come to his house; therefore many neighbors resorted 
there for safety, while I was kept on the watch, with an old horse, an 
old saddle, and an old ragged great-coat belted around me. I went out 
among the Court party, and returned in the evening, having discovered 
their situation. I reported that sixteen were billetted in one house, 
and had stacked their arms in the entry, that we might easily take them 
prisoners without firing a gun, or making any alarm. Immediately 
those at my father's, held a council of war (as they call it). But my 
mother plead so hard against their plan of taking them, that they gave 
up to the council of a woman for once, and it was well for us all. The 
next morning my brother went one way, and I another, to reconnoitre; 
he was taken prisoner. But he played with the guard; they pricked 
him with their bayonets; he, made fun of it: in fine, he played the sim- 
pleton so completely that they believed him to be some half-witted 
fellow and so let him go. 

After the troops had passed through, orders were issued that all 
who would come in and take the oath of allegiance, might live in quiet. 
My father was sent for. He appeared before the court-martial. They 
inquired of him about the loom-beams, but as they had no proof against 
him, and they could not make him criminate himself, they discharged 
him, after .he had taken the oath. Thus ended the Shays's war (as it 
was called). But as election-day drew on, the minds of the people were 
all turned upon a new Governor, that they had a great majority for 
Governor Hancock, and as the tax that had been the cause of the in- 
surrection and not been collected, the new Governor, and Assembly, &c. 
made a law to have it paid in soldiers' notes, those notes could then be 
obtained for half a dollar on the pound; a pound was three dollars and 
thirty-three cents. My father's rate was so large (though a moderate 


farmer), that he paid out eleven dollars for soldiers' notes to pay his 

tax: by this I understood that his tax was between forty and fifty dol- 

i " 

Lee, Mass. D. M. Wilcox, M.D. 

For a graphic account of the Shays' rebellion, read Bellamy's "Duke of Stockbridge"; the 
hero is the Hamlin herein mentioned. — [Ed.] 


BERKSHIRE SS At the Supreme Judicial Court begun & holden at Great Barrington with- 
^-—. in and for the County of Berkshire on the Third Tuesday of March in the year of 
< L. S. V our Lord Seventeen hundred and Eighty seven in pursuance of an Act of the Gen- 
Wv ~' eral Court, made and passed in February last past for this purpose. 
The Juniors for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts upon their oath present that Peter 
Wilcox jun r of Lee in the County of Berkshire laborer, & Nathaniel Austin of Sheffield in the 
same County of Berkshire laborer (together with divers other persons mentioned in the Indict- 
ment) being members and subjects of the said Commonwealth, and owing allegiance to the 
same, not having the fear of God in their hearts, nor having any regard to the duty of their 
allegiance, but being moved and seduced by a lawless & rebellious spirit, and withdrawing from 
the said Commonwealth that cordial love and due obedience, fidelity & allegiance which every 
member of the same Commonwealth ought of right to bear to it, and also most wickedly & 
traiterously devising and conspiring to levy war against this Commonwealth, & thereby most 
wickedly & traiterously intending as much as in them lay to change & subvert the rule and 
Government of this Commonwealth, duly & happily established by the good people, the in- 
habitants & Members of the same, according to the Constitution and form of Government of 
the same, and to reduce and subject the inhabitants of this Commonwealth to lawless power, 
anarchy & confusion, on the twenty-seventh day of February in the year of our Lord seventeen 
hundred and eighty seven at Stockbridge within the County of Berkshire aforesaid, with a 
great number of Rebels and Traitors against the Commonwealth aforesaid Viz the number of 
one hundred & twenty whose names are yet unknown to the Jurors, being armed and arrayed 
in a warlike and hostile manner Viz with Guns Bayonets Pistols, Swords, Clubs and divers other 
weapons as well offensive as defensive with force and arms did falsely and traiterously assemble 
and join themselves against this Commonwealth and the law and Government of the same es- 
tablished by the Constitution and form of Government as aforesaid & then and there with 
force and arms as aforesaid in pursuance of such their wicked and traiterous intentions and pur- 
poses aforesaid did falsely and traiterously prepare, order, wage & levy public and cruel war 
against the Commonwealth aforesaid, and then and there did with force and arms as aforesaid 
wickedly and traiterously assault, imprison, captivate, plunder, destroy, kill and murder divers 
of liege Subjects of the said Commonwealth in the peace of the said Commonwealth being, and 
lawfully and in the duty of their allegiance to the said Commonwealth, defending the same from 
the traiterous attacks as aforesaid, all which is against the duty of their allegiance against the 
peace and dignity of the said Commonwealth aforesaid, and the Law of the same in such case 
made and provided — 

R T Paine Att y p r Repub 

A true bill, Simon Learned Foreman 


Berkshire SS March term at Great Barrington 1787 The said Peter Wilcox jun 
and Nathaniel Austin are arraigned at the barr, & have this Indictment read to them and they 
severally say that thereof they are not Guilty and thereof for tryal severally put themselves 

on God and the Country J n° Tucker Cler— 

An now in this present term before the Court here come the said Peter Wilcox jun r and 
Nath 1 Austin under custody of the Sheriff of the said County and being set to the barr here in 
their proper persons and forthwith being demanded concerning the premises in the Indictment 
above specified and charged upon them how they will acquit themselves thereof, they severally 
say that thereof that they are not guilty and thereof for tryal put themselves on God and the 
Country (Theodore Sedgwick & Caleb Strong Esq rs having been assigned by the Court as 
Counsel for the prisoners) a jury is immediately impannelled Viz — William Bacon, foreman, and 
fellows, namely John Hide, Jeremiah Hicock, Asa Sheldon j- David Benton, Ebenezer Smith, 
Elisha Ensign, Ephraim Bradley, Miles Powell, Elijah Brown, Moses Ashley & Elisha Bradley 
who being sworn to speak the truth of and concerning the premises upon their oath say that 
the said Peter Wilcox j r is guilty, and the said Nathaniel Austin is guilty — and now the At- 
torney General moves that sentence of death might be given against the said Peter Wilcox jun r 
and Nath 1 Austin the prisoners at the barr if they have or know ought to say wherefore the 
Justices here, ought not upon the premises and virdict aforesaid to proceed to Judgment against 
them, and the said Peter Wilcox j r and Nathan' Austin nothing further say unless as they be- 
fore had said, — whereupon all and singular the premises being seen, and by the said Justices 
here fully understood. It is considered by the Court here, that the said Peter Wilcox jun r 
be taken to the Goal of the Commonwealth from whence he came, and from thence to the place 
of Execution, and there be hanged by the neck until he be dead — also that the said Nathan 1 
Austin be taken to the Goal from whence he came, and from thence to the place of Execution, 
and there be hanged by the neck untill he be dead — ■ A true copy of the Record 

A true Copy Jn° Tucker Cler — 


Superior Court Clerk['s] Exempli- 
fication relative to Austin & Wilcox 
two convicts in Berkshire — 

Stockbridge 8, April 1787 


There will probably be application made, for mercy, for the several convicts in this county. 
I am perhaps of all men the least qualified to decide with propriety either in their favor or 
against them. By the interested malevolence of an individual I have been distinguished by the 
very particular resentment of those who have engaged in the rebellion. I have been of council 
for all the convicts, & have therefore been the object of the pathetic addresses of their friends 
& themselves. Under these circumstances my Judgment may be influenced by my passions. 
I dare not therefore hint an opinion on the subject. Should, however, a distinction take place 
your Excellency will pardon me mentioning a few facts which I think ought to be known — ■ — 
The father of Nathaniel Austin is of respectable decent, (sic) I have known him long and at all 
times favorable to Government — in addition to which M r . Austin is an infirm man and so 
aflicted with the situation of his son that it is not unlikely his execution may prove fatal to him. 
The young man has a decent wife & three small children, and I am induced to believe that it 
was more owing to the arts and seduction of others than to his own depraved disposition that 
he has taken the part he has in the rebellion. 


There is also among the convicts one Peter Wilcoks Jun r of whom I know little he had 
however a brother slain in the action at Sheffield, he is a young man, and appears little ac- 
quainted with any subject. — I have to mention to your Excellency one other character, — 
Williams. He is friendless having neither parents nor relations in the Commonwealth. I 
had as his council considerable opportunity to observe his temper and disposition, he appeared 
ingenious, artless and candid, and gave such a natural account of the means used by one Man- 
ning to seduce him into the conduct he pursued, that I have been induced to entertain a more 
favorable opinion of his disposition than almost any one of the insurgents, — in his favor I have 
inclosed a petition. Altho I have resisted every application which has been made to address 
the Governor & Council on the subject of pardon, I felt myself irresistably impeled to make 
the foregoing observations to your Excellency.— 

I believe the siting of the Sup!' Court has had a good effect, at least the idea (so far as I 
have been able to learn) of success by arms is not now so prevalent as heretofore. The mani- 
fest if not open and avowed object with the party at present seems to be to obtain their wishes 
by a change of administration, and by procuring a legislature who will be disposed to establish 
iniquity by Law, a paper money executive & legislative^: will give them everything they can 
desire excepting only a division of property. From such may the good Lord deliver us. — 

I perceive that the first Justice of our court of common pleas is removed. Will your Ex- 
cellency permit me to mention to you the name of a Gentleman whom J in my opinion would 
give the most general satisfaction to have appointed to the vacancy? It is M? D wight of 
the senate — He is a gentleman of abilities, of education, firmly attached to the true interest of 
his country, a man of dignity and of amiable manners. — 

I have the honor to be 

with the highest esteem & most unfeigned regard 

Your most obed' Serv* 

Theodore Sedgwick. 
His Excellency 

Gov Bowdoin 
J sic 

Northampton 10, April 1787. 

A letter I did myself the honor to address to your Excellency on the 8 th . I this morning 
forwarded by young M- Lincoln. In that letter I mentioned the name, and circumstances of 
Peter Wilcoks Jun^ a convict in the Goal of Berkshire. The bearer of this is his father in Law 
& his business in Boston is to solicit mercy for the unhappy young man. I can't omit observ- 
ing that should the sentence be executed, an unproportioned weight of misery will fall on an 

individual family 

You, Sir, will be so obliging as to excuse the trouble I give you & to do me the justice s to^be- 
lieve that I am with great sincerity & truth, 


Your Excellencys 
Most obed. hum^ Svre'— 

Theodore Sedgwick. 
His Excellency 

Governor Bowdoin 


Lenox 10, May 1787 — 

The friends of Wilcoks the convict have informed me that further application will be made 
for his pardon. They have been extremely importunate with me to make one of the number who 
have made another address for mercy to be extended to him. 

From an unfortunate combination of circumstances, it has so happened that those who 
were the most proper objects of capital punishment are now beyond the reach of Justice. 

I have heretofore mentioned to your Excellency that one son of the father of the convict 
fell in the action of Sheffield, another circumstance I should have mentioned [is] that one son 
was in arms in favor of Government. — This young man himself is so far from having exercised 
influence that he doth not possess the least. From the time he was taken to the present mo- 
ment so far as I have been able to learn he has behaved with propriety and decency. It is 
said, however, that during the action he manifested a degree of bravery superior to his Fellows. 
This with me is far from being a circumstance against him. A cowardly traitor to me is the 
most detestable of all characters. Such an one may do mischief in a bad, but can never be of 
service to a good cause — 

Your Excellency's goodness I am confident will excuse this hasty scrawl. It is wrote in 
the hurry & confusion of the business of a court — 

I am with sincere attachment & esteem 

Sir, Your Excellency's 

Most obedient, hum? serv- 

His Excellency Theodore Sedgwick. 

Gov. Bowdoin 



Edgar R. Harlan, curator of the historical department of Iowa, 
opened a mine of exceeding interest when he asked for information con- 
cerning monuments which have been erected in the United States to 
the memory of Indian chieftains. In discussing monuments that have 
been erected to American women I have already described the statues 
to Sakajawea, "the Mother of Oregon," who guided Lewis and Clark 
on their memorable expedition across the continent in 1804, and that of 
Pocahontas, which has been made by William Ordway Partridge for 
the Pocahontas Memorial Association to be erected on Jamestown 
Island, and I have heard of eighteen other statues and monuments that 
have been erected in the United States to commemorate the achieve- 
ments and the loyalty to the whites of warriors, sachems and chieftains 
of the aboriginal tribes of North America. There are probably more, 
and I am sure the readers of these letters will appreciate any information 
on the subject. The list at present is as follows: Mahaska, recently 
erected in Iowa; Red Jacket, in Buffalo; Miantonomoh, in Boston; 
Sleepy Eye, at Sleepy Eye, Minn.; Shabonee at Morris, 111.; Sakajawea, 
at Portland; Osceola, at Fort Moultrie, Charleston, S. C; Tomochichi, 
in Savannah; Uncas, at Norwich, Conn.; Pushmataha, in Washington, 
D. C. ; Cornplanter, in Pennsylvania; Cornstalk, at Point Pleasant, W. 
Va.; Logan, at Auburn, N. Y.; Keokuk, at Keokuk, la.; Attucks, on 
Boston Common; Waban, at Newton, Mass.; Leatherlips, Franklin 
County, Ohio; Brant (Thayendanegea), at Brantford, Ontario. 

If any reader of these letters knows of other monuments to Ameri- 
can Indians I shall be glad to receive descriptions of them, biographical 
sketches of the Indians so honored and the circumstances under which 
they were erected. 

A statue to Joseph Brant, principal chief and warrior of the Six 
Nations during the later part of the eighteenth century, was erected in 
1886, at Brantford, Ont., "by his fellow subjects, admirers of his fidelity 
and attachment to the British Crown," so reads the statue inscription. 

Brant's Indian name was Thayendanegea. He was a full-blooded 
Mohawk and not a half-breed, as has been represented, or the son of an 
Englishman. He was born in 1740, and at the age of thirteen he fell 


under the notice of Sir William Johnson, the superintendent of Indian 
affairs for the British Government, who sent him and his sister Mary to 
Dr. Wheelock's Charity School at Lebanon, Conn. He there not only 
became familiar with the English language but was converted to Chris- 
tianity, joined the Episcopal Church, became a minister and settled at 
Canajoharie, N. Y., as a missionary among the Mohawks; but fate had 
other work for him to perform, and in 1763 he became a soldier under 
Sir William Johnson and fought with great distinction against Pontiac 
and other rebellious chiefs. He visited England in 1775, where he was 
received with great ceremony and lionized by all classes. At the out- 
break of the Revolution he received a commission as colonel in the British 
army, organized the Indians against the Colonists and was the leader in 
several of the massacres and guilty of many barbarities. After the 
treaty of peace in 1783 he retired from the service on half pay and ob- 
tained a grant of land in Ontario along the Grand River, where he 
founded the town and settled down with the remnant of the Mohawk 
tribe. There until his death he devoted his life to the improvement of 
his people, teaching them the gospel and looking after their moral and 
physical welfare. He translated the prayer book and parts of the New 
Testament into his native tongue and he planned to write a history of 
the Six Nations, which was never accomplished, however. In 1785 he 
again visited England, where he was received with the greatest honors, 
introduced into the best society and presented at court. 

While there he secured sufficient funds with which to build a church 
for his people — the first Episcopal church ever erected in upper Canada. 
His last days were spent on his estate at the head of Lake Ontario — a 
gift from the king — upon which he built a large residence, and here 
resided, with his youngest son, John, who afterward became a chief, 
and a daughter, Elizabeth, who married William Johnson Kerr, a grand- 
son of Sir William Johnson, while his wife preferred the simpler life of 
the savage and dwelt with the tribe in the Indian village at Grand River. 
The last survivor of the Brant children was Catherine B. Johnson, who 
died at Wellington square, Canada, in 1867. 

Osceola, the great chief of the Seminoles, who fought General Jack- 
son in Florida with such stubborn ability, lies buried within an inclosure 
at the entrance of Fort Moultrie, near Charleston, S. C. He was buried 
where he died, January 30, 1838. There has always been a controversy 
over Osceola's ability and character. Some writers have represented 


him to be a coward and a knave; others have made him the greatest of 
chiefs, the ablest of counselors and bravest of warriors. He was born 
on the Chattahoochee River in Georgia in 1804. He was not a chief 
by birth, his father being an Englishman named William Powell, and 
his mother a Creek of the Red Stick Tribe. He was taken by his mother 
to Florida at the age of four years, and by his force of character early 
attained prominence among the Seminoles. He was slender, well 
formed, muscular, an excellent tactician, and a great admirer of order 
and discipline, having become versed in military movements among his 
white neighbors. His manner was bold and impressive, well calculated 
to influence the timid and encourage the brave. The Seminole War of 
1835 was largely instigated by him, both on account of personal affronts 
and in resistance of American encroachments. He directed every im- 
portant action. 

At the beginning of the war the Seminoles numbered 2,000 men, 
but in June, 1835, with seventy-nine men, precipitated the battle of 
Ouithlacoochee. In this fight Osceola, dressed in his red belt and feath- 
ered head-dress, sheltered himself behind a big tree, occasionally stepping 
out to level his rifle, and bringing down a man at every shot. It took 
several volleys from the whole platoon to dislodge him, and the tree was 
literally shot to pieces. Osceola after the battle had an interview with 
General Gaines in relation to terms of peace. The general told him to 
move to the south of the Ouithlacoochee and hold himself ready to attend 
a council when called, and they would not be disturbed. He was attack- 
ed near Fort Drane, and had it not been for a faithful spy Osceola would 
have been taken prisoner. Making a narrow escape, he met General 
Call at Wahoo in a sharp fight in which the American army was badly 
handled. Osceola's severe blows in that contest still made him master, 
though the report was circulated that he had been deposed for cowar- 
dice. When General Jesup, certain that the war was at an end, called 
upon Osceola to bring his men in for removal the latter broke up his 
plans, for when the transports arrived not an Indian could be found. 
In 1837, the Indians trusting in a truce until fall, Osceola was seized 
by strategy of General Jesup when on his way to arrange a treaty, and, 
after several months' confinement in St. Augustine, was sent to Charles- 
ton, S. C, and imprisoned in Fort Moultrie until his death. 

Cornplanter was a famous Seneca chief, also known as John O'Bail, 
and is supposed to have been born between 1732 and 1740, on the Gen- 


esee River, New York. His father was a white trader named John 
O'Bail or O'Beel, said by some to have been an Englishman, although 
Harris (Buffalo, Historical Society Publications, VI, 416, 1903) says he 
was a Dutchman, named Abeel, and Ruttenber (Tribes Hudson R., 
317, 1872) also says he was a Dutch trader. His mother was a full- 
blood Seneca. All that is known of Cornplanter's early days is con- 
tained in a letter to the governor of Pennsylvania, in which he says he 
played with Indian boys who remarked the difference between the color 
of his skin and theirs; his mother informed him that his father resided 
at Albany. He visited his father, who, it appears, treated him kindly, 
but gave him nothing to carry back, "nor did he tell me," he adds, "that 
the United States were about to rebel against the Government of Eng- 
land." He states that he was married before this visit. He was one 
of the parties to the treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1784, when a large cession 
of land was made by the Indians; he also took part in the treaty of 
Fort Harmar in 1789, in which an extensive territory was conveyed to 
the United States (although his name is not among the signers) and 
he was a signer of the treaties of September 15, 1797, and July 30, 1802. 

These acts rendered him so unpopular with his tribe, for a time his 
life was in danger. In 1790 he, together with Halftown, visited Phil- 
adelphia to lay before General Washington the grievances complained 
of by their people. In 1816 he resided just within the limits of Penn- 
sylvania on his grant seven miles below the junction of the Connewango 
with the Allegheny, on the banks of the latter. He was perhaps, more 
than ninety years of age at the time of his death, February 18, 1836. A 
monument erected by the State of Pennsylvania in 1866 bears the in- 
scription: "Aged about 100 years." 

Cornstalk was a celebrated Shawnee chief (born about 1720, died 
in 1777) who held authority over those of the tribes then settled on the 
Scioto in Ohio. He was brought most prominently into notice by his 
leadership of the Indians in the battle of Point Pleasant, at the mouth 
of Great Kanawha River, West Virginia, October 10, 1774. Although 
defeated in a battle lasting throughout the day, his prowess and general- 
ship on this occasion — where his force, mostly Shawnees, numbering 
probably 1,000, was opposed to 1,100 Virginia volunteers — won the 
praise of the whites. After this battle he entered into a treaty of peace 
with Lord Dunmore in November, 1774, at Chillicothe, 0., although 
strenuously opposed by a part of his tribe, and faithfully kept it until 


1777. In the latter year, the Shawnees being incited to renew hostilities, 
he went to Point Pleasant and notified the settlers that he might be 
forced into the war. The settlers detained him and his son as hostages 
and they were soon after murdered by some infuriated soldiers in re- 
taliation for the killing of a white settler by some roving Indians, thus 
arousing the vindictive spirit of the Shawnees, which was not broken 
until 1794. Cornstalk was not only a brave and energetic warrior, but 
a skilful general and an orator of considerable ability. A monument was 
erected to his memory in the court house yard at Point Pleasant in 

Crispus Attucks, half Indian and half negro, whose name meant 
"small deer," was the first person slain in the first hostile encounter be- 
tween the Americans and the British in the Revolutionary War. In 
consequence a monument was erected to his memory on Boston Com- 
mon in 1888. 

Leatherlips was a Huron chief of the Sandusky tribe whose honor- 
able character and friendship for the whites inflamed the jealousy of 
Tecumseh, who ruthlessly ordered him to be killed on the plea that he 
was a wizard, Tecumseh's fanaticism being so overmastering that he 
assigned the execution of Shateiaronhia to another Huron chief named 
Roundhead. He was apprised of his condemnation by his brother, 
who was sent to him with a piece of bark on which a tomahawk was 
drawn as a token of his death. The execution took place near his camp 
on the Scioto, about fourteen miles north of Columbus, in the summer 
of 1810, there being present a number of white men, including a justice 
of the peace, who made an effort to save the life of the accused, but 
without success. He was tomahawked by a fellow tribesman while 
kneeling beside his own grave, after having chanted a death song. The 
Wyandot Club of Columbus, O., in 1888, erected a granite monument 
to Shateiaronhia in a park, surrounded by a stone wall, including the 
spot where he died. 

William E. Curtis 

In relation to your symposium on "Shafts to Indians": 

Before I forget it, allow me to call to the attention of the readers 
of your page that what I believe to be the largest monument of the kind 
in the world is located not far from Oregon, 111.; a huge statue of Black 
Crow,* erstwhile chief of the bellicose Sacs and Foxes, the work of 

♦Black Hawk? 


Mr. Lorado Taft of Chicago. The Sachem is shown peering out over the 
Rock River Valley, towards the abode of his traditional enemies, the 
Illini. The figure is of truly Titanic proportions, and withal intensely 
lifelike. I remember my first view of the ominous guardian of the upper 
valley; we were working up-stream in a birchbark, when the old chief, 
bathed in moonlight, bore down on us from his vantage-point like a 

Perhaps this statue will at least be cited in the continuation of Mr. 
Curtis's article, but to assure its not being completely overlooked, I 
gladly contribute this information. Views of the monument may be 
obtained in both Oregon and Dixon, 111., and also, I believe, from 
either the Sheffield or Colonial House at Grand Detour. 

Chicago Record- Herald 

J. A. S. 


Think of the country for which the Indians fought! Who can 
blame them? As Philip looked down from the seat on Mount Hope, 
that glorious eminence, that 

— "Throne of royal state, which far 

Outshone the wealth of Ormus and of Ind, 
Or where the gorgeous East, with richest hand, 
Showers on her kings barbaric pearl and gold" — 

as he looked down, and beheld the lovely scene which spread beneath, at 
a summer sunset, the distant hilltops glittering as with fire, the slanting 
beams streaming across the waters, the broad plains, the island groups, 
the majestic forest — could he be blamed, if his heart burned within him, 
as he beheld it all passing, by no tardy process, from beneath his control, 
into the hands of the stranger? 

As the river chieftains — the lords of the waterfalls and the moun- 
tains — ranged this lovely valley, can it be wondered at, if they beheld 
with bitterness the forest disappearing beneath the settler's axe — the 
fishing place disturbed by his sawmills? Can we not fancy the feelings 
with which some strong-minded savage, the chief of the Pocumtuck 
Indians, who should have ascended the summit of the Sugarloaf Moun- 
tain (rising as it does before us, at this moment, in all its loveliness and 
grandeur) — in company with a friendly settler — contemplating the prog- 


ress already made by the white man, and marking the gigantic strides 
with which he was advancing into the wilderness, should fold his arms 
and say, "White man, there is eternal war between me and thee! I quit 
not the land of my fathers, but with my life. In those woods, where I 
bent my youthful bow, I will still hunt the deer; over yonder waters I 
will still glide, unrestrained, in my bark canoe. By those dashing water- 
falls I will still lay up my winter store of food; on these fertile meadows 
I will still plant my corn. 

"Stranger, the land is mine! I understand not these paper rights. 
I gave not my consent when, as thou sayest, these broad regions were 
purchased, for a few baubles, of my fathers. They could sell what was 
theirs; they could sell no more. How could my father sell that which 
the Great Spirit sent me into the world to live upon? They knew not 
what they did. 

"The stranger came, a timid suppliant — few and feeble, and asked 
tc lie down on the red man's bearskin, and warm himself at the red man's 
fire, and have a little piece of land to raise corn for his women and chil- 
dren; and now he is become strong, and mighty, and bold, and spreads 
out his parchments over the whole, and says, 'It is mine.' 

"Stranger! there is not room for us both. The Great Spirit has 
not made us to live together. There is poison in the white man's cup; 
the white man's dog barks at the red man's heels. If I should leave the 
land of my fathers, whither shall I fly! Shall I go to the south, and 
dwell among the graves of the Pequots! Shall I wander to the west, 
the fierce Mohawk — the man-eater — is my foe. Shall I fly to the east, 
the great water is before me. No, stranger; here I have lived, and here 
will I die; and if here thou abidest, there is eternal war between me and 

"Thou hast taught me thy arts of destruction; for that alone I 
thank thee. And now take heed to thy steps; the red man is thy foe. 
When thou goest forth by day, my bullet shall whistle past thee; when 
thou best down by night, my knife is at thy throat. The noonday sun 
shall not discover thy enemy, and the darkness of midnight shall not 
protect thy rest. Thou shalt plant in terror, and I will reap in blood; 
thou shalt sow the earth with corn, and I will strew it with ashes; thou 
shalt go forth with the sickle, and I will follow after with the scalping- 
knife; thou shalt build, and I will burn — till the white man or the In- 
dian perish from the land." 

Edward Everett 



New modes and mechanisms of warfare, and the changed political 
geography of the United States since the liberation of Cuba and the 
"taking" of Panama, puts us in an altered position as bargainers for the 
Danish West Indies. For a time in the course of the Civil War we re- 
quired it as a naval base. We could have had it then. Indeed, our 
treaty with Denmark was ready for ratification, and the Danish king 
had said a sad farewell to his St. Thomas subjects — when the treaty 
failed! That was when Seward was Lincoln's Secretary of State,* and 
F. A. Ober wrote of it years after that it was "one of these humiliating 
episodes that made America a byword in diplomatic circles." 

Three other times in the succeeding three generations the question 
has been renewed. For three generations the voting population of the 
Danish Indies has been favorable, overwhelmingly, toward annexation 
to the United States. But Denmark had the memory of the former 
abasement to make it chary. After the Spanish War, with Porto Rico 
a dependency and Cuba a ward, each yielding coaling stations, our need 
was less. In 1902 there was further talk, for the Panama Canal was in 
sight. That dynastic forehandedness of the Hohenzollerns had planted 
a Mecklenburg princess in Denmark and already the Hamburg-Ameri- 
can Steamship Line had begun fixing up St. Thomas as its West Indian 
headquarters. We had bases at Porto Rico and at Guantanamo in 
Cuba, so a little opposition quelled our enthusiasm and Danish parlia- 
mentary eagerness, especially as we were mentioning only $5,000,000 
as the price. 

Presently the Hamburg-American Steamship Line was dominating 
the port of St. Thomas and had erected a first-class coaling station, with 
large warehouses and docks. While we had higgled at negotiating, 
German shipping had run its lines to the islands, giving a practical sort 
of business relief and fillip — not merely for private profit, but for im- 
perial interests. The British Royal Mail sold its engineering plant 
there and transferred to Barbados. These things happened, as Colonel 
Roosevelt must have been reminded when he landed the other day at 
St. Thomas, within the first two years of his administration, and in the 
succeeding Taft administration. When Christian X. came to the Dan- 
ish throne in 191 2, his consort being the German princess, Alexandrine 

*See the Seward letters printed in the Magazine for October, 1915. 


of Mecklenburg, sister of the Duchess Cecile whom the German Crown 
Prince married, the Germanizing of St. Thomas was well progressed. 

Now in the Danish parliament the matter of transfer is broached 
again. German shipping is not running. The 168 sailings a year by 
the Hamburg-American have been intermitted during two years with 
no prospects of resumption. Docks, coaling station, repair works, 
warehouses and a considerable labor force and pay roll are in abeyance. 
Once in a while the Royal (British) Mail stops there. The only other 
connection with the United States is the Quebec S. S. Line. Natives, 
speaking English, are emigrating to Porto Rico and New York and New 
Orleans. Transatlantique to Bordeaux and the Danish and Leyland 
callings are disarranged by war business. Besides, it is a great year 
for sugar, and Cuba and Porto Rico are making the most of it. Hence 
the suggestion again of annexation by sale to America. On our side 
there are four reasons for listening — (i) the necessity for keeping any 
other European power from gaining a foothold there; (2) the desirability 
of strengthening all outer defence posts of Panama Canal; (3) the new 
quick means in war of striking by means of aircraft and submarines, 
since St. Thomas is only a few miles away from Porto Rico; (4) cer- 
tain benefits to trade and industry. 

Haiti, San Domingo and Cuba are republics, Porto Rico is an 
American dependency, and all the Caribbeans are now British, except 
Martinique and Guadaloupe, which are possessions of the French Re- 
public. The Windward Isles stand out there in position to fend off 
approach from the Atlantic — but they are not ours. Most of them we 
could not get by purchase. St. Thomas by itself would be but one de- 
tached from "The Queen's Necklace." Should Uncle Sam buy it. ? 
Probably no naval man would decide otherwise — if only to prevent its 
going elsewhere. It would be a pendant to Porto Rico, and if in time 
there arises an American merchant marine that does not hug the main 
shore too closely, the island could be developed for sugar, cocoa, sisal, 
mahogany, aloe, castor oil plant and tamarind. Twice I have crossed 
the islands of St. Thomas and St. Croix and found them generally 
empty. When slavery was abolished the proprietors could not, with 
the milling and shipping facilities they had, make the land pay. It 
lies largely unused, owned by absentees, when the negro population 
might be utilized as it is in Cuba. Cuba also has scarcity of labor, but 
it is finding ways to attract it by rentals of land and payment for crops. 


Porto Rico has fewer such troubles. Charlotte Amalie, the one town on 
St. Thomas, is the delight of tourists — a miniature but cleaner Naples. 
Stone houses with porticos and parapets and red tiled roofs rise on 
terraces against the hills about the harbor. Hybiscus with its scarlet 
flowers, palms, banana, tamarind, grow in surrounding gardens. Black- 
beard's and Bluebeard's castles and Government House top three 
heights. Lately Bluebeard's became a hotel. Its legend is that Blue- 
beard the pirate made it his home. Somewhat different from the 
Arabian Bluebeard, his prohibition to his wife was that she should not 
open a certain casket. Which, naturally, at first opportunity she did 
— to find therein seven scented notes from seven wives of other men in 
the town. She invited them to tea, and as soon as they each got home, 
each gently perished from a subtle poison. 

Truman Cross 
Transcript, Boston 


Washington, April 15 — Four Lincoln manuscripts of extraordinary 
interest have been presented to the library of Congress by Miss Helen 
Nicolay and Clarence L. Hay. The manuscripts include two drafts 
of the Gettysburg address, a draft of the second inaugural, and the 
memorandum prepared in August, 1864, in which Lincoln stated that 
he would probably lose the coming election, in which event it would be 
his duty to co-operate with the President-elect to save the Union. 

The last document is Miss Nicolay's gift, it having been preserved 
by her father, John G. Nicolay. It will be recalled that this memoran- 
dum was sealed by Lincoln and endorsed by the members of his cabinet. 
The other manuscripts were the property of the late John Hay, and have 
been given to the Government by Clarence L. Hay, acting in behalf of 
himself and his sisters, Mrs. Helen Hay Whitney and Mrs. Alice Hay 



The Boston Public Library has the original letter written by Joseph 
Willard, pastor of the First Church in Beverly, at the time of his res- 
ignation to accept the presidency of Harvard College. The document 
is of great interest to Harvard men, and is here reproduced: 

"To the inhabitants of the first parish in Beverly in Parish meeting 
assembled Novr. 19, 1781. 

"Brethren — When I settled in this place, I had no thoughts but of 
continuing with you in the work of the ministry, during my life. But 
God, in his providence, has so ordered, that I have been unanimously 
elected, by the Corporation & Overseers of Harvard College in Cam- 
bridge, to the office of President of that Society; and by a Committee 
from them, have been desired to accept the trust, as one of great im- 
portance, and which presents a sphere of usefulness to mankind, much 
more extensive than my present one. This election, for a good while, 
greatly embarrassed my mind: and I found it difficult to determine what 
I ought to do. But after a prayerful consideration, weighing things on 
every side, and consulting the most judicious persons, I have been in- 
clined to think, that duty calls me to accept the invitation from Cam- 
bridge. And this weighs much with me, that should I go there, it will 
not be a deserting of the service of the churches of Christ, but I shall 
be more in the way of promoting their interests, by being at the head 
of one of those societies, from whence they are supplied with pastors. 
It has indeed given me great pain, when I have thought of a dissolution 
of my pastoral relation to you, among whom I have lived in love and 
peace, for so long a time, and to whom, I hope, my ministry has not 
been altogether unprofitable; but as I have seemed, by the voice of 
providence, to be called to leave you, I have at length been induced to 
consult the brethren of the church upon the subject, and have asked 
their consent to my going to Cambridge. After several meetings, they 
have concluded not to act as a separate body, but with, and as a part of 
the parish. The matter is therefore referred to you brethren, at this 
meeting; and I ask of you that consent, which I before asked of the 
church, when they met by themselves. 

"I pray that you may have all needed direction from above, and 
may be led to that decision, which will eventually be most for the divine 
glory, I am, brethren, your affectionate pastor, 

Joseph Willard"